{"id":122156,"date":"2023-05-14T22:33:12","date_gmt":"2023-05-14T22:33:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nursingstudybay.com\/2023\/05\/14\/final-assignment-sociology-of-the-family-spring-2023\/"},"modified":"2023-05-14T22:33:12","modified_gmt":"2023-05-14T22:33:12","slug":"final-assignment-sociology-of-the-family-spring-2023","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colapapers.com\/assessments\/final-assignment-sociology-of-the-family-spring-2023\/","title":{"rendered":"FINAL ASSIGNMENT SOCIOLOGY OF THE FAMILY SPRING 2023"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>FINAL ASSIGNMENT SOCIOLOGY OF THE FAMILY SPRING 2023 &#8211; POSTED 4-30-23<br \/>\nEDUCATION IN THE U.S. \u2013 UNEQUAL CHILDHOOD.<br \/>\n\u2022\tTO EFFECTIVELY DO THIS FINAL ASSIGNMENT, YOU MUST CAREFULLY READ THE SELECTED ARTICLES AND RE WATCH SOME OF THE VIDEOS POSTED ON CANVAS.<br \/>\n\u2022\t PAY ATTENTION TO THE INSTRUCTIONS FOR EACH PART OF THE ASSIGNMENT AND DUE DATE.<br \/>\nDUE: MAY 13, 2023, ON OR BEFORE MIDNIGHT<br \/>\nASSIGNMENT (30 points of the final grade) &#8211; Due date: on or before midnight 5-13-23<br \/>\nASSIGNMENT IS ON PAGE 33ff.<br \/>\nQUESTIONS TO PONDER AS YOU READ THE ARTICLES<br \/>\n1.\tWhat do you think of the educational system in the United States?<br \/>\n2.\tWhat do you consider major issues in our educational and school systems regarding African American communities and families?<br \/>\n3.\tIs education related to social mobility? If yes, does the broadening of access to educational opportunities make our society more equal?<br \/>\n4.\tHow equal do you consider educational opportunities in the U.S.?<br \/>\n5.\tHow segregated are the schools in your community and the U.S. as a whole?<br \/>\n6.\tTo what extent do discrimination, prejudice, and segregation, enable or constrain individuals\u2019 or groups\u2019 ability to access available educational resources in society?<br \/>\n7.\tIf we were to provide every child the same opportunity in education and, eliminate all obstacles in our educational systems, would that mean an end to unequal childhood in Black and non-black families?<\/p>\n<p>SELECTED ARTICLES:  THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE<\/p>\n<p>1.\t \u201cSchools Slow in Closing Gaps Between Races\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Jessica McGowan for The New York Times<br \/>\nMelissa Freeman teaches a math class at MorganCountyElementary School in Madison, Ga., which a Standard &amp; Poor\u2019s unit has credited with significantly raising the test scores of black fourth and fifth graders.<br \/>\nBy SAM DILLON       Published: November 20, 2006<br \/>\nWhen President Bush signed his sweeping education law a year into his presidency, it set 2014 as the deadline by which schools were to close the test-score gaps between minority and white students that have persisted since standardized testing began.<\/p>\n<p>Multimedia<br \/>\nGraphic<br \/>\nA Persistent Gap<br \/>\nReaders\u2019 Opinions<br \/>\nForum: Contemporary Education<br \/>\nNow, as Congress prepares to consider reauthorizing the law next year, researchers and half-dozen recent studies, including three issued last week, and are reporting little progress toward that goal. Slight gains have been seen for some grade levels.<br \/>\nDespite concerted efforts by educators, the test-score gaps are so large that, on average, African-American and Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers) students in high school can read and do arithmetic at only the average level of whites in junior high school.<br \/>\n\u201cThe gaps between African-Americans and whites are showing very few signs of closing,\u201d Michael T. Nettles, a senior vice president at the Educational Testing Service, said in a paper he presented recently at Columbia University. One ethnic minority, Asians, generally fares as well as or better than whites.<br \/>\nThe reports and their authors, in interviews, portrayed an educational landscape in which test-score gaps between black or Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers) students and whites appear in kindergarten and worsen through 12 years of public education.<br \/>\nSome researchers based their conclusions on federal test results, while others have cited state exams, the SATs and other widely administered standardized assessments. Still, the studies have all concurred: The achievement gaps remain, perplexing and persistent.<br \/>\nThe findings pose a challenge not only for Mr. Bush but also for the Democratic lawmakers who joined him in negotiating the original law, known as No Child Left Behind, and who will control education policy in Congress next year.<br \/>\nSenator Edward M. Kennedy of Massachusetts and Representative George Miller of California, who are expected to be the chairmen of the Senate and House education committees, will promote giving more resources to schools and researching strategies to improve minority performance, according to aides.<br \/>\n\u201cClosing the achievement gap is at the heart of No Child Left Behind and must continue to be our focus in renewing the act next year,\u201d Mr. Kennedy said in a statement.<br \/>\nExperts have suggested many possible changes, including improving the law\u2019s mechanisms for ensuring that teachers in poor schools are experienced and knowledgeable and extending early-childhood education to more students.<br \/>\nHenry L. Johnson, an Helpant secretary of education, said: \u201cI don\u2019t dispute that looking at some comparisons we see that these gaps are not closing \u2014 or not as fast as they ought to. But it\u2019s also accurate to say that when taken as a whole, student performance is improving. The presumption that we won\u2019t get to 100 percent proficiency from here presumes that everything is static. To reach the 100 percent by 2014, we\u2019ll all have to work faster and smarter.\u201d<br \/>\nThe law requires states, districts and schools to report annual test results for all racial and ethnic groups, and to show annual improvements for each. It imposes sanctions on schools that do not meet the rising targets.<br \/>\nMany experts and officials, including the president\u2019s brother, Gov. Jeb Bush of Florida, have supported the goal of raising all students to academic proficiency, but they have also called it unrealistic to accomplish in a decade.<br \/>\nBut President Bush, who put education at the center of his 2000 campaign, has been insisting that it is not only feasible but that the gaps are already closing.<br \/>\n\u201cThere are good results of No Child Left Behind across the nation,\u201d Mr. Bush said last month at a school in North Carolina. \u201cWe have an achievement gap in America that is \u2014 that I don\u2019t like and you shouldn\u2019t like.\u201d<br \/>\n\u201cThe gap is closing,\u201d he said.<br \/>\nThe researchers behind the reports issued last week in Washington, D.C., New York and California were far more pessimistic, though.<br \/>\n\u201cThe achievement gap is alive and well,\u201d said G. Gage Kingsbury, an author of the report issued in Washington by the Northwest Assessment Association, a nonprofit group based in Oregon that administers tests.<br \/>\nExamining results from reading and math tests administered to 500,000 students in 24 states in the fall of 2004 and the spring of 2005, the study found: \u201cFor each score level at each grade in each subject, minority students grew less than European-Americans, and students from poor schools grew less than those from wealthier ones.\u201d<br \/>\nMinority and poor students also lost more academic ground each summer, the study said.<br \/>\nRoss Wiener, a principal partner at the Education Trust, a group that works to close achievement gaps and has consistently supported the federal law, called those findings \u201cprofoundly disturbing\u201d and said it showed that schools continued to be a \u201csignificant source of disadvantage for minority students.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Multimedia<br \/>\nGraphic  A Persistent Gap Readers\u2019 Opinions  Forum: Contemporary Education<br \/>\n\u201cThe Bush administration wants to hang a \u2018Mission Accomplished\u2019 banner over N.C.L.B., but a fair assessment is that progress thus far in closing achievement gaps is disappointing,\u201d Mr. Weiner said. He pointed to financing and teacher assignment systems that lead to schools with mostly poor and minority students getting less money, offering fewer advanced courses and having weaker teachers.<br \/>\nThe 2005 National Assessment of Educational Progress, a battery of reading and math tests administered to thousands of students in every state, showed some rising scores for all ethnic groups, and the black-white score gap narrowed in a statistically significant way for fourth-grade math. But on fourth-grade reading, and on eighth-grade reading and math, the black-white and Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers)-white gaps were statistically unchanged from the early 1990s.<br \/>\nOver the past three decades, the gaps narrowed steadily from the 1970s through the late 1980s but then leveled out through 1999. Since then, some have narrowed again, but at a rate that would allow them to persist for decades. That picture showed up in a separate National Assessment test devised to measure long-term trends, administered in late 2003 and early 2004.<br \/>\nThat test showed that regardless of race, scores increased a bit over three decades for 9- and 13-year-old students, with the best gains coming between 1999 and 2004.<br \/>\nTest administrators warned against attributing those gains to the federal law, because it had been in effect for about only a year when the 2004 test was given. Prekindergarten programs, higher standards and increased testing carried out by many states during the 1990s also contributed, they said.<br \/>\nBut Bush administration officials have routinely credited the law for the improved scores on that test.<br \/>\nA group that has supported the federal law, the Thomas B. Fordham Foundation, whose leaders include former officials from the Reagan and the current Bush administrations, conducted a review of state exams and other indicators and issued a report this month. It found that none of the 50 states had made widespread progress in narrowing the gaps, and that eight states, including New York and New Jersey, had made \u201cmoderate gains.\u201d<br \/>\nChester E. Finn Jr., the foundation president, said, \u201cPoor and minority students are doing very poorly, and in most states are not making significant gains \u2014 and this in spite of N.C.L.B. and all the other reforms of the last 15 years.\u201d<br \/>\nSuggestions abound for ways to narrow the score gaps faster. Since scholars have documented that minority children enter kindergarten with weaker reading skills than white children, some experts advocate increased public financing for early education programs.<br \/>\nNo Child Left Behind provides money for tutoring in schools where students are not succeeding, but critics say it does not provide sufficient financing to help states and districts turn the schools themselves around.<br \/>\nSeveral of the new reports urged better provisions to ensure that poor and mostly minority schools have quality teachers, to reward teachers who help struggling students improve, and to keep good teachers from leaving city schools for higher-paying suburban ones.<br \/>\n\u201cIf I\u2019m in a bad school and make serious progress, I need a reward,\u201d Dr. Nettles said. \u201cIf you perform on Wall Street, you get a bonus.\u201d<br \/>\nBut the news is not all bad. Individual schools in some states have made progress in narrowing the gaps between black and white, Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers) and white, and the poor and more affluent, according to a Standard &amp; Poor\u2019s unit that analyzes school performance.<br \/>\nThe unit credited MorganCountyElementary School in Madison, Ga., with significantly raising the scores of black fourth and fifth graders. The principal, Jean Triplett, attributed that success in part to after-school tutoring by volunteers in black churches.<br \/>\nEdwinE.WeeksElementary School in Syracuse was singled out for narrowing the gap between black and white students. Dare Dutter, the principal, credited a prekindergarten program and a school health clinic that helped keep poor students from missing class.<br \/>\nStandard &amp; Poor\u2019s has sifted test data from 16,000 schools in 18 states, identifying 718 schools making significant progress toward the national goal.<br \/>\n\u201cThey are the classic diamonds in the rough,\u201d said Paul Gazzerro, director of analytics at Standard &amp; Poor\u2019s School Assessment Services. \u201cBut in general, schools are not closing achievement gaps.\u201d<br \/>\nOne of the exceptions, the unit said, is Hoover Middle School in Lakewood, Calif., a community in Los Angeles County where the aircraft manufacturing industry has been hit by job losses. The school has raised Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers) scores so much that in the spring of 2005 Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers) students outperformed whites, said the principal, Michael L. Troyer. He said the progress resulted from focused instruction, frequent diagnostic testing and several tutoring programs.<br \/>\n\u201cSome of it\u2019s after school, teachers do it at lunch, and we have people who tutor in the morning before school, too,\u201d Mr. Troyer said.<br \/>\nAcross California, however, achievement gaps have not narrowed, and in some cases they have widened since 2001, according to a study of California test results released last week by Policy Analysis for California Education, a research center run jointly by the University of California and Stanford.<br \/>\n\u201cNot only have all boats stopped rising, but the boats that are under water are sinking further down,\u201d said Bruce Fuller, an education professor at the University of California, Berkeley, who contributed to the study.<br \/>\nFollow this link to go to the original article.<\/p>\n<p><iframe class=\"wp-embedded-content\" sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" title=\"Choosing a School for My Daughter in a Segregated City\" src=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/svc\/oembed\/html\/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.nytimes.com%2F2016%2F06%2F12%2Fmagazine%2Fchoosing-a-school-for-my-daughter-in-a-segregated-city.html#?secret=hEa3azUZKk\" data-secret=\"hEa3azUZKk\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p>Cover Photo<\/p>\n<p>Najya Hannah-Jones. Credit Henry Leutwyler for The New York Times<br \/>\n2.\tChoosing a School<br \/>\nfor My Daughter in<br \/>\na Segregated City<br \/>\nHow one school became a battleground over which<br \/>\nchildren benefit from a separate and unequal system?<br \/>\nBy NIKOLE HANNAH-JONESJUNE 9, 2016<br \/>\nIn the spring of 2014, when our daughter, Najya, was turning 4, my husband and I found ourselves facing our toughest decision since becoming parents. We live in Bedford-Stuyvesant, a low-income, heavily black, rapidly gentrifying neighborhood of brownstones in central Brooklyn. The nearby public schools are named after people intended to evoke black uplift, like Marcus Garvey, a prominent Black Nationalist in the 1920s, and Carter G. Woodson, the father of Black History Month, but the schools are a disturbing reflection of New York City\u2019s stark racial and socioeconomic divisions. In one of the most diverse cities in the world, the children who attend these schools learn in classrooms where all of their classmates \u2014 and I mean, in most cases, every single one \u2014 are black and Latino, and nearly every student is poor. Not surprisingly, the test scores of most of Bed-Stuy\u2019s schools reflect the marginalization of their students.<br \/>\nI didn\u2019t know any of our middle-class neighbors, black or white, who sent their children to one of these schools. They had managed to secure seats in the more diverse and economically advantaged magnet schools or gifted-and-talented programs outside our area, or opted to pay hefty tuition to progressive but largely white private institutions. I knew this because from the moment we arrived in New York with our 1-year-old, we had many conversations about where we would, should and definitely should not send our daughter to school when the time came.<br \/>\nMy husband, Faraji, and I wanted to send our daughter to public school. Faraji, the oldest child in a military family, went to public schools that served Army bases both in America and abroad. As a result, he had a highly unusual experience for a black American child: He never attended a segregated public school a day of his life. He can now walk into any room and instantly start a conversation with the people there, whether they are young mothers gathered at a housing-project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees) tenants\u2019 meeting or executives eating from small plates at a ritzy cocktail reception.<br \/>\nI grew up in Waterloo, Iowa, on the wrong side of the river that divided white from black, opportunity from struggle, and started my education in a low-income school that my mother says was distressingly chaotic. I don\u2019t recall it being bad, but I do remember just one white child in my first-grade class, though there may have been more. That summer, my mom and dad enrolled my older sister and me in the school district\u2019s voluntary desegregation program, which allowed some black kids to leave their neighborhood schools for whiter, more well off ones on the west side of town. This was 1982, nearly three decades after the Supreme Court ruled in Brown v. Board of Education that separate schools for black and white children were unconstitutional, and near the height of desegregation in this country. My parents chose one of the whitest, richest schools, thinking it would provide the best opportunities for us. Starting in second grade, I rode the bus an hour each morning across town to the \u201cbest\u201d public school my town had to offer, Kingsley Elementary, where I was among the tiny number of working-class children and the even tinier number of black children. We did not walk to school or get dropped off by our parents on their way to work. We showed up in a yellow bus, visitors in someone else\u2019s neighborhood, and were whisked back across the bridge each day as soon as the bell rang.<br \/>\nI remember those years as emotionally and socially fraught, but also as academically stimulating and world-expanding. Aside from the rigorous classes and quality instruction I received, this was the first time I\u2019d shared dinners in the homes of kids whose parents were doctors and lawyers and scientists. My mom was a probation officer, and my dad drove a bus, and most of my family members on both sides worked in factories or meatpacking plants or did other manual labor. I understood, even then, in a way both intuitive and defensive, that my school friends\u2019 parents weren\u2019t better than my neighborhood friends\u2019 parents, who worked hard every day at hourly jobs. But this exposure helped me imagine possibilities, a course for myself that I had not considered before.<br \/>\nIt\u2019s hard to say where any one person would have ended up if a single circumstance were different; our life trajectories are shaped by so many external and internal factors. But I have no doubt my parents\u2019 decision to pull me out of my segregated neighborhood school made the possibility of my getting from there to here \u2014 staff writer for The New York Times Magazine \u2014 more likely.<br \/>\nIntegration was transformative for my husband and me. Yet the idea of placing our daughter in one of the small number of integrated schools troubled me. These schools are disproportionately white and serve the middle and upper middle classes, with a smattering of poor black and Latino students to create \u201cdiversity.\u201d<br \/>\nIn a city where white children are only 15 percent of the more than one million public-school students, half of them are clustered in just 11 percent of the schools, which not coincidentally include many of the city\u2019s top performers. Part of what makes those schools desirable to white parents, aside from the academics, is that they have some students of color, but not too many. This carefully curated integration, the kind that allows many white parents to boast that their children\u2019s public schools look like the United Nations, comes at a steep cost for the rest of the city\u2019s black and Latino children.<br \/>\nThe New York City public-school system is 41 percent Latino, 27 percent black and 16 percent Asian. Three-quarters of all students are low-income. In 2014, the Civil Rights Project at the University of California, Los Angeles, released a report showing that New York City public schools are among the most segregated in the country. Black and Latino children here have become increasingly isolated, with 85 percent of black students and 75 percent of Latino students attending \u201cintensely\u201d segregated schools \u2014 schools that are less than 10 percent white.<br \/>\nThis is not just New York\u2019s problem. I\u2019ve spent much of my career as a reporter chronicling rampant school segregation in every region of the country, and the ways that segregated schools harm black and Latino children. One study published in 2009 in The Journal of Policy Analysis and Management showed that the academic achievement gap for black children increased as they spent time in segregated schools. Schools with large numbers of black and Latino kids are less likely to have experienced teachers, advanced courses, instructional materials and adequate facilities, according to the United States Department of Education\u2019s Office for Civil Rights. Most black and Latino students today are segregated by both race and class, a combination that wreaks havoc on the learning environment. Research stretching back 50 years shows that the socioeconomic makeup of a school can play a larger role in achievement than the poverty of an individual student\u2019s family. Getting Najya into one of the disproportionately white schools in the city felt like accepting the inevitability of this two-tiered system: one set of schools with excellent resources for white kids and some black and Latino middle-class kids, a second set of under resourced schools for the rest of the city\u2019s black and Latino kids.<br \/>\nWhen the New York City Public Schools catalog arrived in the mail one day that spring, with information about Mayor Bill de Blasio\u2019s new universal prekindergarten program, I told Faraji that I wanted to enroll Najya in a segregated, low-income school. Faraji\u2019s eyes widened as I explained that if we removed Najya, whose name we chose because it means \u201cliberated\u201d and \u201cfree\u201d in Swahili, from the experience of most black and Latino children, we would be part of the problem. Saying my child deserved access to \u201cgood\u201d public schools felt like implying that children in \u201cbad\u201d schools deserved the schools they got, too. I understood that so much of school segregation is structural \u2014 a result of decades of housing discrimination, of political calculations and the machinations of policy makers, of simple inertia. But I also believed that it is the choices of individual parents that uphold the system, and I was determined not to do what I\u2019d seen so many others do when their values about integration collided with the reality of where to send their own children to school.<br \/>\nOne family, or even a few families, cannot transform a segregated school, but if none of us were willing to go into them, nothing would change. Putting our child into a segregated school would not integrate it racially, but we are middle-class and would, at least, help to integrate it economically. As a reporter, I\u2019d witnessed how the presence of even a handful of middle-class families made it less likely that a school would be neglected. I also knew that we would be able to make up for Najya anything the school was lacking.<br \/>\nAs I told Faraji my plan, he slowly shook his head no. He wanted to look into parochial schools, or one of the \u201cgood\u201d public schools, or even private schools. So we argued, pleading our cases from the living room, up the steps to our office lined with books on slavery and civil rights, and back down, before we came to an impasse and retreated to our respective corners. There is nothing harder than navigating our nation\u2019s racial legacy in this country, and the problem was that we each knew the other was right and wrong at the same time. Faraji couldn\u2019t believe that I was asking him to expose our child to the type of education that the two of us had managed to avoid. He worried that we would be hurting Najya if we put her in a high-poverty, all-black school. \u201cAre we experimenting with our child based on our idealism about public schools?\u201d he asked. \u201cAre we putting her at a disadvantage?\u201d<br \/>\nAt the heart of Faraji\u2019s concern was a fear that grips black families like ours. We each came from working-class roots, fought our way into the middle class and had no family wealth or safety net to fall back on. Faraji believed that our gains were too tenuous to risk putting our child in anything but a top-notch school. And he was right to be worried. In 2014, the Brookings Institution found that black children are particularly vulnerable to downward mobility \u2014 nearly seven of 10 black children born into middle-income families don\u2019t maintain that income level as adults. There was no margin for error, and we had to use our relative status to fight to give Najya every advantage. Hadn\u2019t we worked hard, he asked, frustration building in his voice, precisely so that she would not have to go to the types of schools that trapped so many black children?<\/p>\n<p>P.S. 307 (left) and luxury apartments, with the Farragut Houses in the background. Credit Tobias Hutzler for The New York Times<br \/>\nEventually I persuaded him to visit a few schools with me. Before work, we peered into the classrooms of three neighborhood schools, and a fourth, Public School 307, located in the Vinegar Hill section of Brooklyn, near the East River waterfront and a few miles from our home. P.S. 307\u2019s attendance zone was drawn snugly around five of the 10 buildings that make up the Farragut Houses, a public-housing project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees) with 3,200 residents across from the Brooklyn Navy Yard. The school\u2019s population was 91 percent black and Latino. Nine of 10 students met federal poverty standards. But what went on inside the school was unlike what goes on in most schools serving the city\u2019s poorest children. This was in large part because of the efforts of a remarkable principal, Roberta Davenport. She grew up in Farragut, and her younger siblings attended P.S. 307. She became principal five decades later in 2003, to a low-performing school. Davenport commuted from Connecticut, but her car was usually the first one in the parking lot each morning, often because she worked so late into the night that, exhausted, she would sleep at a friend\u2019s nearby instead of making the long drive home. Soft of voice but steely in character, she rejected the spare educational orthodoxy often reserved for poor black and brown children that strips away everything that makes school joyous in order to focus solely on improving test scores. These children from the project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees)s learned Mandarin, took violin lessons and played chess. Thanks to her hard work, the school had recently received money from a federal magnet grant, which funded a science, engineering and technology program aimed at drawing middle-class children from outside its attendance zone.<br \/>\nFaraji and I walked the bright halls of P.S. 307, taking in the reptiles in the science room and the students learning piano during music class. The walls were papered with the precocious musings of elementary children. While touring the schools, Faraji later told me, he started feeling guilty about his instinct to keep Najya out of them. Were these children, he asked himself, worthy of any less than his own child? \u201cThese are kids who look like you,\u201d he told me. \u201cKids like the ones you grew up with. I was being very selfish about it, thinking: I am going to get mine for my child, and that\u2019s it. And I am ashamed of that.\u201d<br \/>\nWhen it was time to submit our school choices to the city, we put down all four of the schools we visited. In May 2014, we learned Najya had gotten into our first choice, P.S. 307. We were excited but also nervous. I\u2019d be lying if I said I didn\u2019t feel pulled in the way other parents with options feel pulled. I had moments when I couldn\u2019t ignore the nagging fear that in my quest for fairness, I was being unfair to my own daughter. I worried \u2014 I worry still \u2014 about whether I made the right decision for our little girl. But I knew I made the just one.<br \/>\nFor many white Americans, millions of black and Latino children attending segregated schools may seem like a throwback to another era, a problem we solved long ago. And legally, we did. In 1954, the Supreme Court issued its landmark Brown v. Board of Education ruling, striking down laws that forced black and white children to attend separate schools. But while Brown v. Board targeted segregation by state law, we have proved largely unwilling to address segregation that is maintained by other means, resulting from the nation\u2019s long and racist history.<br \/>\nIn the Supreme Court\u2019s decision, the justices responded unanimously to a group of five cases, including that of Linda Brown, a black 8-year-old who was not allowed to go to her white neighborhood school in Topeka, Kan., but was made to ride a bus to a black school much farther away. The court determined that separate schools, even if they had similar resources, were \u201cinherently\u201d \u2014 by their nature \u2014 unequal, causing profound damage to the children who attended them and hobbling their ability to live as full citizens of their country. The court\u2019s decision hinged on sociological research, including a key study by the psychologists Kenneth Clark and Mamie Phipps Clark, a husband-and-wife team who gave black children in segregated schools in the North and the South black and white dolls and asked questions about how they perceived them. Most students described the white dolls as good and smart and the black dolls as bad and stupid. (The Clarks also found that segregation hurt white children\u2019s development.) Chief Justice Earl Warren felt so passionate about the issue that he read the court\u2019s opinion aloud: \u201cDoes segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other \u2018tangible\u2019 factors may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal educational opportunities? We believe that it does.\u201d The ruling made clear that because this nation was founded on a racial caste system, black children would never become equals as long as they were separated from white children.<br \/>\nIn New York City, home to the largest black population in the country, the decision was celebrated by many liberals as the final strike against school segregation in the \u201cbackward\u201d South. But Kenneth Clark, the first black person to earn a doctorate in psychology at Columbia University and to hold a permanent professorship at City College of New York, was quick to dismiss Northern righteousness on race matters. At a meeting of the Urban League around the time of the decision, he charged that though New York had no law requiring segregation, it intentionally separated its students by assigning them to schools based on their race or building schools deep in segregated neighborhoods. In many cases, Clark said, black children were attending schools that were worse than those attended by their black counterparts in the South.<br \/>\nClark\u2019s words shamed proudly progressive white New Yorkers and embarrassed those overseeing the nation\u2019s largest school system. The New York City Board of Education released a forceful statement promising to integrate its schools: \u201cSegregated, racially homogeneous schools damage the personality of minority-group children. These schools decrease their motivation and thus impair their ability to learn. White children are also damaged. Public education in a racially homogeneous setting is socially unrealistic and blocks the attainment of the goals of democratic education, whether this segregation occurs by law or by fact.\u201d The head of the Board of Education undertook an investigation in 1955 that confirmed the widespread separation of black and Puerto Rican children in dilapidated buildings with the least-experienced and least-qualified teachers. Their schools were so overcrowded that some black children went to school for only part of the day to give others a turn.<br \/>\nThe Board of Education appointed a commission to develop a citywide integration plan. But when school officials took some token steps, they faced a wave of white opposition. \u201cIt was most intense in the white neighborhoods closest to African-American neighborhoods, because they were the ones most likely to be affected by desegregation plans,\u201d says Thomas Sugrue, a historian at New York University and the author of \u201cSweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North.\u201d By the mid-\u201960s, there were few signs of integration in New York\u2019s schools. In fact, the number of segregated junior-high schools in the city had quadrupled by 1964. That February, civil rights leaders called for a major one-day boycott of the New York City schools. Some 460,000 black and Puerto Rican students stayed home to protest their segregation. It was the largest demonstration for civil rights in the nation\u2019s history. But the boycott upset many white liberals, who thought it was too aggressive, and as thousands of white families fled to the suburbs, the integration campaign collapsed.<br \/>\nEven as New York City was ending its only significant effort to desegregate, the Supreme Court was expanding the Brown ruling. Beginning in the mid-\u201960s, the court handed down a series of decisions that determined that not only did Brown v. Board allow the use of race to remedy the effects of long-segregated schools, it also required it. Assigning black students to white schools and vice versa was necessary to destroy a system built on racism \u2014 even if white families didn\u2019t like it. \u201cAll things being equal, with no history of discrimination, it might well be desirable to assign pupils to schools nearest their homes,\u201d the court wrote in its 1971 ruling in Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, which upheld busing to desegregate schools in Charlotte, N.C. \u201cBut all things are not equal in a system that has been deliberately constructed and maintained to enforce racial segregation. The remedy for such segregation may be administratively awkward, inconvenient and even bizarre in some situations, and may impose burdens on some; but all awkwardness and inconvenience cannot be avoided.\u201d<br \/>\nHow the City Rezoned Two Brooklyn Schools<br \/>\nThe decision to redraw the attendance boundaries for Brooklyn Heights, Dumbo, and Vinegar Hill angered many parents.<\/p>\n<p>ACS 2014 census data analyzed by Andrew A. Beveridge, Queens College CUNY<br \/>\nIn what would be an extremely rare and fleeting moment in American history, all three branches of the federal government aligned on the issue? Congress passed the 1964 Civil Rights Act, pushed by President Lyndon B. Johnson, which prohibited segregated lunch counters, buses and parks and allowed the Department of Justice for the first time to sue school districts to force integration. It also gave the government the power to withhold federal funds if the districts did not comply. By 1973, 91 percent of black children in the former Confederate and Border States attended school with white children.<br \/>\nBut while Northern congressmen embraced efforts to force integration in the South, some balked at efforts to desegregate their own schools. They tucked a passage into the 1964 Civil Rights Act aiming to limit school desegregation in the North by prohibiting school systems from assigning students to schools in order to integrate them unless ordered to do so by a court. Because Northern officials often practiced segregation without the cover of law, it was far less likely that judges would find them in violation of the Constitution.<br \/>\nNot long after, the nation began its retreat from integration. Richard Nixon was elected president in 1968, with the help of a coalition of white voters who opposed integration in housing and schools. He appointed four conservative justices to the Supreme Court and set the stage for a profound legal shift. Since 1974, when the Milliken v. Bradley decision struck down a lower court\u2019s order for a metro-area-wide desegregation program between nearly all-black Detroit city schools and the white suburbs surrounding the city, a series of major Supreme Court rulings on school desegregation have limited the reach of Brown.<br \/>\nWhen Ronald Reagan became president in 1981, he promoted the notion that using race to integrate schools was just as bad as using race to segregate them. He urged the nation to focus on improving segregated schools by holding them to strict standards, a tacit return to the \u201cseparate but equal\u201d doctrine that was roundly rejected in Brown. His administration emphasized that busing and other desegregation programs discriminated against white students. Reagan eliminated federal dollars earmarked to help desegregation and pushed to end hundreds of school-desegregation court orders.<br \/>\nYet this was the very period when the benefits of integration were becoming most apparent. By 1988, a year after Faraji and I entered middle school, school integration in the United States had reached its peak and the achievement gap between black and white students was at its lowest point since the government began collecting data. The difference in black and white reading scores fell to half what it was in 1971, according to data from the National Center for Education Statistics. (As schools have since resegregated, the test-score gap has only grown.) The improvements for black children did not come at the cost of white children. As black test scores rose, so did white ones.<br \/>\nDecades of studies have affirmed integration\u2019s power. A 2010 study released by the Century Foundation found that when children in public housing in Montgomery County, Md., enrolled in middle-class schools, the differences between their scores and those of their wealthier classmates decreased by half in math and a third in reading, and they pulled significantly ahead of their counterparts in poor schools. In fact, integration changes the entire trajectory of black students\u2019 lives. A 2015 longitudinal study by the economist Rucker Johnson at the University of California, Berkeley, followed black adults who had attended desegregated schools and showed that these adults, when compared with their counterparts or even their own siblings in segregated schools, were less likely to be poor, suffer health problems and go to jail, and more likely to go to college and reside in integrated neighborhoods. They even lived longer. Critically, these benefits were passed on to their children, while the children of adults who went to segregated schools were more likely to perform poorly in school or drop out.<br \/>\nBut integration as a constitutional mandate, as justice for black and Latino children, as a moral righting of past wrongs, is no longer our country\u2019s stated goal. The Supreme Court has effectively sided with Reagan, requiring strict legal colorblindness even if it leaves segregation intact, and even striking down desegregation programs that ensured integration for thousands of black students if a single white child did not get into her school of choice. The most recent example was a 2007 case that came to be known as Parents Involved. White parents in Seattle and Jefferson County, Kentucky, challenged voluntary integration programs, claiming the districts discriminated against white children by considering race as a factor in apportioning students among schools in order to keep them racially balanced. Five conservative justices struck down these integration plans. In 1968, the court ruled in Green v. County School Board of New Kent County that we should no longer look across a city and see a \u201c\u2009\u2018white\u2019 school and a \u2018Negro\u2019 school, but just schools.\u201d In 2007, Chief Justice John Roberts Jr. wrote: \u201cBefore Brown, schoolchildren were told where they could and could not go to school based on the color of their skin. The school districts in these cases have not carried the heavy burden of demonstrating that we should allow this once again \u2014 even for very different reasons. &#8230; The way to stop discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.\u201d<br \/>\nLegally and culturally, we\u2019ve come to accept segregation once again. Today, across the country, black children are more segregated than they have been at any point in nearly half a century. Except for a few remaining court-ordered desegregation programs, intentional integration almost never occurs unless it\u2019s in the interests of white students. This is even the case in New York City, under the stewardship of Mayor de Blasio, who campaigned by highlighting the city\u2019s racial and economic inequality. De Blasio and his schools chancellor, Carmen Fari\u00f1a, have acknowledged that they don\u2019t believe their job is to force school integration. \u201cI want to see diversity in schools organically,\u201d Fari\u00f1a said at a town-hall meeting in Lower Manhattan in February. \u201cI don\u2019t want to see mandates.\u201d The shift in language that trades the word \u201cintegration\u201d for \u201cdiversity\u201d is critical. Here in this city, as in many, diversity functions as a boutique offering for the children of the privileged but does little to ensure quality education for poor black and Latino children.<br \/>\n\u201cThe moral vision behind Brown v. Board of Education is dead,\u201d Ritchie Torres, a city councilman who represents the Bronx and has been pushing the city to address school segregation, told me. Integration, he says, is seen as \u201csomething that would be nice to have but not something we need to create a more equitable society. At the same time, we have an intensely segregated school system that is denying a generation of kids of color a fighting chance at a decent life.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Najya Hannah-Jones (center background, in blue shirt and headband) in her kindergarten class at P.S. 307 in Brooklyn. Credit Glenna Gordon for The New York Times<br \/>\nNajya, of course, had no idea about any of this. She just knew she loved P.S. 307, waking up each morning excited to head to her pre-K class, where her two best friends were a little black girl named Imani from Farragut and a little white boy named Sam, one of a handful of white pre-K students at the school, with whom we car-pooled from our neighborhood. Four excellent teachers, all of them of color, guided Najya and her classmates with a professionalism and affection that belied the school\u2019s dismal test scores. Faraji and I threw ourselves into the school, joining the parent-teacher association and the school\u2019s leadership team, attending assemblies and chaperoning field trips. We found ourselves relieved at how well things were going. Internally, I started to exhale.<br \/>\nBut in the spring of 2015, as Najya\u2019s first year was nearing its end, we read in the news that another elementary school, P.S. 8, less than a mile from P.S. 307 in affluent Brooklyn Heights, was plagued by overcrowding. Some students zoned for that school might be rerouted to ours. This made geographic sense. P.S. 8\u2019s zone was expansive, stretching across Brooklyn Heights under the Manhattan bridge to the Dumbo neighborhood and Vinegar Hill, the neighborhood around P.S. 307. P.S. 8\u2019s lines were drawn when most of the development there consisted of factories and warehouses. But gentrification overtook Dumbo, which hugs the East River and provides breathtaking views of the skyline and a quick commute to Manhattan. The largely upper-middle-class and white and Asian children living directly across the street from P.S. 307 were zoned to the heavily white P.S. 8.<br \/>\nTo accommodate the surging population, P.S. 8 had turned its drama and dance rooms into general classrooms and cut its pre-K, but it still had to place up to 28 kids in each class. Meanwhile, P.S. 307 sat at the center of the neighborhood population boom, half empty. Its attendance zone included only the Farragut Houses and was one of the tiniest in the city. Because Farragut residents were aging, with dwindling numbers of school-age children, P.S. 307 was under enrolled.<br \/>\nIn early spring 2015, the city\u2019s Department of Education sent out notices telling 50 families that had applied to kindergarten at P.S. 8 that their children would be placed on the waiting list and instead guaranteed admission to P.S. 307. Distraught parents dashed off letters to school administrators and to their elected officials. They pleaded their case to the press. \u201cWe bought a home here, and one of the main reasons was because it was known that kindergarten admissions [at P.S. 8] were pretty much guaranteed,\u201d one parent told The New York Post, adding that he wouldn\u2019t send his child to P.S. 307. Another parent whose twins had secured coveted spots made the objections to P.S. 307 more plain: \u201cI would be concerned about safety,\u201d he said. \u201cI don\u2019t hear good things about that school.\u201d<br \/>\nThat May, as I sat at a meeting that P.S. 8 parents arranged with school officials, I was struck by the sheer power these parents had drawn into that auditorium. This meeting about the overcrowding at P.S. 8, which involved 50 children in a system of more than one million, had summoned a state senator, a state assemblywoman, a City Council member, the city comptroller and the staff members of several other elected officials. It had rarely been clearer to me how segregation and integration, at their core, are about power and who gets access to it. As the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. wrote in 1967: \u201cI cannot see how the Negro will totally be liberated from the crushing weight of poor education, squalid housing and economic strangulation until he is integrated, with power, into every level of American life.\u201d<br \/>\nAs the politicians looked on, two white fathers gave an impassioned PowerPoint presentation in which they asked the Department of Education to place more children into already-teeming classrooms rather than send kids zoned to P.S. 8 to P.S. 307. Another speaker, whose child had been wait-listed, choked up as he talked about having to break it to his kindergarten-age son that he would not be able to go to school with the children with whom he\u2019d shared play dates and Sunday dinners. \u201cWe haven\u2019t told him yet\u201d that he didn\u2019t get into P.S. 8, the father said, as eyes in the crowd grew misty. \u201cWe hope to never have to tell him.\u201d<br \/>\nThe meeting was emotional and at times angry, with parents shouting out their anxieties about safety and low test scores at P.S. 307. But the concerns they voiced may have also masked something else. While suburban parents, who are mostly white, say they are selecting schools based on test scores, the racial makeup of a school actually plays a larger role in their school decisions, according to a 2009 study published in The American Journal of Education. Amy Stuart Wells, a professor of sociology and education at Columbia University\u2019s Teachers College, found the same thing when she studied how white parents choose schools in New York City. \u201cIn a post-racial era, we don\u2019t have to say it\u2019s about race or the color of the kids in the building,\u201d Wells told me. \u201cWe can concentrate poverty and kids of color and then fail to provide the resources to support and sustain those schools, and then we can see a school full of black kids and then say, \u2018Oh, look at their test scores.\u2019 It\u2019s all very tidy now, this whole system.\u201d<br \/>\nI left that meeting upset about how P.S. 307 had been characterized, but I didn\u2019t give it much thought again until the end of summer, when Najya was about to start kindergarten. I heard that the community education council was holding a meeting to discuss a potential rezoning of P.S. 8 and P.S. 307. The council, an elected group that oversees 28 public schools in District 13, including P.S. 8 and P.S. 307, is responsible for approving zoning decisions. School was still out for the summer, and almost no P.S. 307 parents knew plans were underway that could affect them. At the meeting, two men from the school system\u2019s Office of District Planning project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees)ed a rezoning map onto a screen. The plan would split the P.S. 8 zone roughly in half, divided by the Brooklyn Bridge. It would turn P.S. 8 into the exclusive neighborhood school for Brooklyn Heights and reroute Dumbo and Vinegar Hill students to P.S. 307. A tall, white man with brown hair that flopped over his forehead said he was from Concord Village, a complex that should have fallen on the 307 side of the line. He thanked the council for producing a plan that reflected his neighbors\u2019 concerns by keeping his complex in the P.S. 8 zone. It became clear that while parents in Farragut, Dumbo and Vinegar Hill had not even known about the rezoning plan, some residents had organized and lobbied to influence how the lines were drawn.<br \/>\nThe officials presented the rezoning plan, which would affect incoming kindergartners, as beneficial to everyone. If the children in the part of the zone newly assigned to P.S. 307 enrolled at the school, P.S. 8\u2019s overcrowding would be relieved at least temporarily. And P.S. 307, the officials\u2019 presentation showed would fill its empty seats with white children and gives all the school\u2019s students that most elusive thing: integration.<br \/>\nPhoto<\/p>\n<p>The writer attending a meeting at which a New York City community education council voted on the rezoning of P.S. 307 and P.S. 8. Credit Glenna Gordon for The New York Times<br \/>\nIt was hard not to be skeptical about the department\u2019s plan. New York, like many deeply segregated cities, has a terrible track record of maintaining racial balance in formerly under enrolled segregated schools once white families come in. Schools like P.S. 321 in Brooklyn\u2019s Park Slope neighborhood and the Academy of Arts and Letters in Fort Greene tend to go through a brief period of transitional integration, in which significant numbers of white students enroll, and then the numbers of Latino and black students dwindle. In fact, that\u2019s exactly what happened at P.S. 8.<br \/>\nA decade ago, P.S. 8 was P.S. 307\u2019s mirror image. Predominantly filled with low-income black and Latino students from surrounding neighborhoods, P.S. 8, with its low test scores and low enrollment, languished amid a community of affluence because white parents in the neighborhood refused to send their children there. A group of parents worked hard with school administrators to turn the school around, writing grants to start programs for art and other enrichment activities. Then more white and Asian parents started to enroll their children. One of them was David Goldsmith, who later became president of the community education council tasked with considering the rezoning of P.S. 8 and P.S. 307. Goldsmith is white and, at the time, lived in Vinegar Hill with his Filipino wife and their daughter.<br \/>\nAs P.S. 8 improved, more and more white families from Brooklyn Heights, Dumbo and Vinegar Hill enrolled their children, and the classrooms in the lower grades became majority white. The whitening of the school had unintended consequences. Some of the black and Latino parents whose children had been in the school from the beginning felt as if they were being marginalized. The white parents were able to raise large sums at fund-raisers and could be dismissive of the much smaller fund-raising efforts that had come before. Then, Goldsmith says, the new parents started seeking to separate their children from their poorer classmates. \u201cThere were kids in the school that were really high-risk kids, kids who were homeless, living in temporary shelters, you know, poverty can be really brutal,\u201d Goldsmith says. \u201cThe school was really committed to helping all children, but we had white middle-class parents saying, \u2018I don\u2019t want my child in the same class with the kid who has emotional issues.\u2019\u2009\u201d<br \/>\nThe parents, who had helped build P.S. 8, black, Latino, white and Asian, feared they were losing something important, a truly diverse school that nurtured its neediest students, where families held equal value no matter the size of their paychecks. They asked for a plan to help the school maintain its black and Latino population by setting aside a percentage of seats for low-income children, but they didn\u2019t get approval.<br \/>\nP.S. 8\u2019s transformation to a school where only one in four students are black or Latino and only 14 percent are low-income began during the administration of Mayor Michael Bloomberg, known for its indifference toward efforts to integrate schools. But integration advocates say that they\u2019ve also been deeply disappointed by the de Blasio administration\u2019s stance on the issue. In October 2014, after the release of the U.C.L.A. study pointing to the extreme segregation in the city\u2019s schools, and nearly a year after de Blasio was elected, Councilmen Ritchie Torres and Brad Lander moved to force the administration to address segregation, introducing what became the School Diversity Accountability Act, which would require the Department of Education to release school-segregation figures and report what it was doing to alleviate the problem. \u201cIt was always right in front of our faces,\u201d says Lander, a representative from Brooklyn, whose own children attend heavily white public schools. \u201cThen the U.C.L.A. report hit, and the segregation in the city became urgent.\u201d<br \/>\nThe same month that Lander and Torres introduced the bill, Fari\u00f1a, the schools chancellor, took questions at a town-hall-style meeting for area schools held at P.S. 307. A group of four women, two white, two black, walked to the microphone to address Fari\u00f1a. They said that they were parents in heavily gentrified Park Slope, and that Fari\u00f1a\u2019s administration had been ignoring their calls to help their school retain its diminishing black and Latino populations by implementing a policy to set aside seats for low-income children. Fari\u00f1a, a diminutive woman with a no-nonsense attitude, responded by acknowledging that there \u201care no easy answers\u201d to the problem of segregation, and warned that there were \u201cfederal guidelines\u201d limiting \u201cwhat we can do around diversity.\u201d What Fari\u00f1a was referring to is unclear. While the Supreme Court\u2019s 2007 ruling in Parents Involved tossed out integration plans that took into account the race of individual students, the court has never taken issue with using students\u2019 socioeconomic status for creating or preserving integration, which is what these parents were seeking. In addition, the Obama administration released guidelines in 2011 that explicitly outlined the ways school systems could legally use race to integrate schools. Those include drawing a school\u2019s attendance zone around black and white neighborhoods.<br \/>\nAt another town-hall meeting in Manhattan last October, Fari\u00f1a said, \u201cYou don\u2019t need to have diversity within one building.\u201d Instead, she suggested that poor students in segregated schools could be pen pals and share resources with students in wealthier, integrated public schools. \u201cWe adopt schools from China, Korea or wherever,\u201d Fari\u00f1a told the room of parents. \u201cWhy not in our own neighborhoods?\u201d Integration advocates lambasted her for what they considered a callous portrayal of integration as nothing more than a cultural exchange. \u201cFari\u00f1a\u2019s silly pen-pal comment shows how desensitized we\u2019ve become,\u201d Torres told me. \u201cIt could be that the political establishment is willfully blind to the impact of racial segregation and has led themselves to believe that we can close the achievement gap without desegregating our school system. At worst it\u2019s a lie; at best it\u2019s a delusion.\u201d He continued, \u201cThe scandal is not that we are failing to achieve diversity. The scandal is we are not even trying.\u201d<br \/>\nFari\u00f1a would only talk to me for 15 minutes by phone. She told me in May that her pen-pal comments had been taken out of context. \u201cIf you hear any of my public speeches, this has always been a priority of mine,\u201d she said. \u201cDiversity of all types has always been a priority.\u201d She went on to talk about the city\u2019s special programs for autistic students and about how Japanese students have benefited from the expansion of dual-language programs. But Asian-American students are already the group most integrated with white students. When pressed about integration specifically for black and Latino students, Fari\u00f1a said the city has been working to support schools that are seeking more diversity and mentioned a socioeconomic integration pilot program at seven schools. \u201cI do believe New York City is making strides. It is a major focus going forward.\u201d<br \/>\nOn May 30, four days after our interview, the Department of Education said in an article in The Daily News that it was starting a voluntary system wide \u201cDiversity in Admissions\u201d program and would be requesting proposals from principals. In 2014, several principals said they had submitted integration proposals and had not gotten any response from Fari\u00f1a.<br \/>\nIntegration that allows white parents to boast that their children\u2019s public school looks like the United Nations comes at a steep cost for poor black and Latino children.<br \/>\nThe announcement of the new initiative caught both principals and parents by surprise. Jill Bloomberg, principal at Brooklyn\u2019s Park Slope Collegiate, which teaches sixth through 12th grade, says she learned about the initiative from the news article but otherwise had heard nothing about it, even though the deadline to submit proposals is July 8, about a month away. \u201cI am eager for some official notification for exactly what the program is,\u201d she told me.<br \/>\nDavid Goldsmith, who has been working on desegregation efforts as a member of the community education council, says he found the initiative, its timing and the short deadline for submitting proposals \u201cpuzzling.\u201d \u201cWe could be very cynical and say, \u2018They are not serious,\u2019\u2009\u201d he says.<br \/>\nLast June, de Blasio signed the School Diversity Accountability Act into law. But the law mandates only that the Department of Education report segregation numbers, not that it do anything to integrate schools. De Blasio declined to be interviewed, but when asked at a news conference in November why the city did not at least do what it could to redraw attendance lines, he defended the property rights of affluent parents who buy into neighborhoods to secure entry into heavily white schools. \u201cYou have to also respect families who have made a decision to live in a certain area,\u201d he said, because families have \u201cmade massive life decisions and investments because of which school their kid would go to.\u201d The mayor suggested there was little he could do because school segregation simply was a reflection of New York\u2019s stark housing segregation, entrenched by decades of discriminatory local and federal policy. \u201cThis is the history of America,\u201d he said.<br \/>\nOf course, de Blasio is right: Housing segregation and school segregation have always been entwined in America. But the opportunity to buy into \u201cgood\u201d neighborhoods with \u201cgood\u201d schools that de Blasio wants to protect has never been equally available to all.<br \/>\nTo best understand how so many poor black and Latino children end up in neglected schools, and why so many white families have the money to buy into neighborhoods with the best schools, you need to look no further than the history of the Farragut Houses and P.S. 307. Looking at P.S. 307 today, you might find it hard to imagine that the school did not start out segregated. The low-slung brick elementary school, which opened in 1964, and the Farragut public-housing project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees)s right outside its front doors once stood as hopeful, integrated islands in a city fractured by strict color lines in both its neighborhoods and its schools.<br \/>\nThe 10 Farragut buildings, spread across roughly 18 acres, opened in 1952 as part of a scramble to house returning G.I.s and their families after World War II. When the first tenants moved in, the sprawling campus \u2014 named for David Farragut, an admiral of the United States Navy \u2014 were considered a model of progressive working-class housing, with its open green spaces, elevators, modern heating plant, laundry and community center.<br \/>\nIn 1952, a black woman named Gladys McBeth became one of Farragut\u2019s earliest tenants. Nearly three generations later, when I visited her in November, she was living in the same 14th-floor apartment, where she paid about $1,000 a month in rent. Back then, she said, Farragut was a place for strivers. \u201cI didn\u2019t know nothing about project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees)s when I moved in,\u201d she said. \u201cIt was veteran housing.\u201d The project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees) housed roughly even numbers of black and white tenants, including migrants escaping hardship from Poland, Puerto Rico and Italy, and from the feudal American South. To get in, everyone had to show proof of marriage, a husband\u2019s military-discharge papers and pay stubs.<br \/>\nRobert McBeth, Gladys\u2019s husband, drove a truck, while she stayed home raising their four children. In the years before the Brown decision, the oldest of the McBeth children went to a nearby school where the kids were predominantly black and Latino, because the New York City Board of Education bused white children in the area to other schools, according to the N.A.A.C.P. School officials at the time, as today, claimed the racial makeup of the schools was an inevitable result of residential segregation. Though Farragut was not yet segregated, most of the city was. And that segregation in housing often resulted from legal and open discrimination that was encouraged and condoned by the state, and at times required by the federal government.<br \/>\nNowhere would that become more evident than in Farragut, which by the 1960s was careering toward the same fate overtaking nearly all public housing in big cities. White residents used Federal Housing Administration-insured loans to buy their way out of the project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees)s and to move to shiny new middle-class subdivisions. This subsidized home-buying boom led to one of the broadest expansions of the American middle class ever, almost exclusively to the benefit of white families. The F.H.A.\u2019s explicitly racist underwriting standards, which rated black and integrated neighborhoods as uninsurable, made federally insured home loans largely unavailable to black home seekers. Ninety-eight percent of these loans made between 1934 and 1968 went to white Americans.<br \/>\nHousing discrimination was legal until 1968. Even if black Americans managed to secure home loans, many homes were off-limits, either because they had provisions in their deeds prohibiting their sale to black buyers or because entire communities \u2014 including publicly subsidized middle-class developments like Levittown on Long Island and Stuyvesant Town in Manhattan \u2014 barred black home buyers and tenants outright. The McBeths tried to buy a house, but like so many of Farragut\u2019s black tenants, they were not able to. They continued to rent while many of their white neighbors bought homes and built wealth. Scholars attribute a large part of the yawning wealth gap between black and white Americans \u2014 the typical white person has 13 times the wealth of a typical black person \u2014 to discriminatory housing policies.<br \/>\nBut before Farragut\u2019s white tenants left, parents of all colors sent their children to P.S. 307. Gladys McBeth, who died in May, sent her youngest child across the street to P.S. 307 and worked there as a school aide for 23 years. \u201cIt was one of the best schools in the district,\u201d she reminisced, sitting in a worn paisley chair. But by 1972, Farragut was more than 80 percent black, and to fill the vacant units and house the city\u2019s growing indigent population, the city changed the guideline for income and work requirements, turning the project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees)s from largely working-class to low-income.<br \/>\nAt some point, P.S. 307\u2019s attendance zone was redrawn to include only the Farragut Houses, ensuring the students would be black, Latino and poor. The New York City Department of Education does not keep attendance data before 2000, but as McBeth remembered it, by the late \u201980s, P.S. 307 was also almost entirely black and Latino. McBeth, who sent all four of her children to college, shook her head. \u201cIt all changed.\u201d<br \/>\nP.S. 307 was a very different place from what it had been, but Najya was thriving. I watched as she and her classmates went from struggling to sound out three-letter words to reading entire books. She would surprise me in the car rides after school with her discussions of hypotheses and photosynthesis, words we hadn\u2019t taught her. And there was something almost breathtaking about witnessing an auditorium full of mostly low-income black and Latino children confidently singing in Mandarin and beating Chinese drums as they performed a fan dance to celebrate the Lunar New Year.<br \/>\nBut I also knew how fragile success at a school like P.S. 307 could be. The few segregated, high-poverty schools we hold up as exceptions are almost always headed by a singular principal like Roberta Davenport. But relying on one dynamic leader is a precarious means of ensuring a quality education. With all the resources Davenport was able to draw to the school, P.S. 307\u2019s test scores still dropped this year. The school suffers from the same chronic absenteeism that plagues other schools with large numbers of low-income families. And then Davenport retired last summer, just as the clashes over P.S. 307\u2019s integration were heating up, causing alarm among parents.<br \/>\nNajya and the other children at P.S. 307 were unaware of the turmoil and the battle lines adults were drawing outside the school\u2019s doors. Faraji, my husband, had been elected co-president of P.S. 307\u2019s P.T.A. along with Benjamin Greene, another black middle-class parent from Bed-Stuy, who also serves on the community education council. As the potential for rezoning loomed over the school, they were forced to turn their attention from fund-raising and planning events to working to prevent the city\u2019s plan from ultimately creating another mostly white school.<br \/>\nIt was important to them that Farragut residents, who were largely unaware of the process, had a say over what happened. Faraji and I had found it hard to bridge the class divides between the Farragut families and the middle-class black families, like ours, from outside the neighborhood. We parents were all cordial toward one another. Outside the school, though, we mostly went our separate ways. But after the rezoning was proposed, Faraji and Benjamin worked with the Rev. Dr. Mark V. C. Taylor of the Church of the Open Door, which sits on the Farragut property, and canvassed the project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees)s to talk to parents and inform them of the city\u2019s proposal. Not one P.S. 307 parent they spoke to knew anything about the plan, and they were immediately worried and fearful about what it would mean for their children. P.S. 307 was that rare example of a well-resourced segregated school, and these parents knew it.<br \/>\nThe Farragut parents were also angry and hurt over how their school and their children had been talked about in public meetings and the press. Some white Dumbo parents had told Davenport that they\u2019d be willing to enroll their children only if she agreed to put the new students all together in their own classroom. Farragut parents feared their children would be marginalized. If the school eventually filled up with children from high-income white families \u2014 the median income for Dumbo and Vinegar Hill residents is almost 10 times that of Farragut residents \u2014 the character of the school could change, and as had happened at other schools like P.S. 8, the results might not benefit the black and Latino students. Among other things, P.S. 307 might no longer qualify for federal funds for special programming, like free after-school care, to help low-income families.<br \/>\n\u201cI don\u2019t have a problem with people coming in,\u201d Saaiba Coles, a Farragut mother with two children at P.S. 307, told those gathered at a community meeting about the rezoning. \u201cI just don\u2019t want them to forget about the kids that were already here.\u201d Faraji and Benjamin collected and delivered to the education council a petition with more than 400 signatures of Farragut residents supporting the rezoning, but only under certain conditions, including that half of all the seats at P.S. 307 would be guaranteed for low-income children. That would ensure that the school remained truly integrated and that new higher-income parents would have to share power in deciding the direction of the school.<br \/>\nPhoto<br \/>\nStudents walking through a hallway at P.S. 307. Credit Glenna Gordon for The New York Times<br \/>\nIn January of this year, the education council held a meeting to vote on the rezoning. Nearly four dozen Farragut residents who\u2019d taken two buses chartered by the church filed into the auditorium of a Brooklyn elementary school, sitting behind a cluster of anxious parents from Dumbo. Reporters lined up alongside them. In the months since the potential rezoning plan was announced, the spectacle of an integration fight in the progressive bastion of Brooklyn had attracted media attention. Coverage appeared in The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal and on WNYC. \u201cBrooklyn hipsters fight school desegregation,\u201d the news site Raw Story proclaimed. The meeting lasted more than three hours as parents spoke passionately, imploring the council to delay the vote so that the two communities could try to get to know each other and figure out how they could bridge their economic, racial and cultural divides. Both Dumbo and Farragut parents asked the district for leadership, fearing integration that was not intentionally planned would fail.<br \/>\nIn the end, the council proceeded with the vote, approving the rezoning with a 50 percent low-income set-aside, but children living in P.S. 307\u2019s attendance zone would receive priority. But that\u2019s not a guarantee. White children under the age of 5 outnumber black and Latino children of the same age in the new zone, according to census data. And the white population will only grow as new developments go on the market. Without holding seats for low-income children, it\u2019s not certain the school will achieve 50 percent low-income enrollment.<br \/>\nDavid Goldsmith, president of the council, told me he didn\u2019t believe that creating low-income set-asides in only one school made sense; he is working to create a plan that would try to integrate the schools in the entire district that includes P.S. 8 and P.S. 307. But Benjamin Greene, who voted against the rezoning because it did not guarantee that half of the seats, would remain for low-income children, said: \u201cWe cannot sit around and wait until somebody decides on this wonderful formula district wide. We have to preserve these schools one at a time.\u201d<br \/>\nIn voting for the rezoning, the council touted its bravery and boldness in choosing integration in a system that seemed opposed to it. \u201cWith the eyes of the nation upon us,\u201d Goldsmith began. \u201cVoting \u2018yes\u2019 means we refuse to be victims of the past. We are ready to do this. The time is now. We owe this to our children.\u201d<br \/>\nBut the decision felt more like a victory for the status quo. This rezoning did not occur because it was in the best interests of P.S. 307\u2019s black and Latino children, but because it served the interests of the wealthy, white parents of Brooklyn Heights. P.S. 8 will only get whiter and more exclusive: The council failed to mention at the meeting that the plan would send future students from the only three Farragut buildings that had been zoned for P.S. 8 to P.S. 307, ultimately removing almost all the low-income students from P.S. 8 and turning it into one of the most affluent schools in the city. The Department of Education project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees)s that within six years, P.S. 8 could be three-quarters white in a school system where only one-seventh of the kids are white.<br \/>\nP.S. 307 may eventually look similar. Without seats guaranteed for low-income children, and with an increasing white population in the zone, the school may flip and become mostly white and overcrowded. Farragut parents worry that at that point, the project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees)\u2019s children, like those at P.S. 8, could be zoned out of their own school. A decade from now, integration advocates could be lamenting how P.S. 307 went from nearly all black and Latino to being integrated for a period to heavily white.<br \/>\nThat transition isn\u2019t going to happen immediately, so some Dumbo parents have threatened to move, or enroll their children in private schools. Others are struggling over what to do. By allowing such vast disparities between public schools \u2014 racially, socioeconomically and academically \u2014 this city has made integration the hardest choice.<br \/>\n\u201cYou\u2019re not living in Brooklyn if you don\u2019t want to have a diverse system around your kid,\u201d Michael Jones, who lives in Brooklyn Heights and considered sending his twins to P.S. 307 for pre-K because P.S. 8 no longer offered it, told me over coffee. \u201cYou want it to be multicultural. You know, if you didn\u2019t want that, you\u2019d be in private school, or you would be in a different area. So, we\u2019re all living in Brooklyn because we want that to be part of the upbringing. But you can understand how a parent might look at it and go, \u2018While I want diversity, I don\u2019t want profound imbalance.\u2019 \u201d He thought about what it would have meant for his boys to be among the few middle-class children in P.S. 307. \u201cWe could look at it and see there is probably going to be a clash of some kind,\u201d he said. \u201cMy kid\u2019s not an experiment.\u201d In the end, he felt that he could not take a chance on his children\u2019s education and sent them to private preschool; they now go to P.S. 8.<br \/>\nThis sense of helplessness in the face of such entrenched segregation is what makes so alluring the notion, embraced by liberals and conservatives, that we can address school inequality not with integration but by giving poor, segregated schools more resources and demanding of them more accountability. True integration, true equality, requires a surrendering of advantage, and when it comes to our own children, that can feel almost unnatural. Najya\u2019s first two years in public school helped me understand this better than I ever had before. Even Kenneth Clark, the psychologist whose research showed the debilitating effects of segregation on black children, chose not to enroll his children in the segregated schools he was fighting against. \u201cMy children,\u201d he said, \u201conly have one life.\u201d But so do the children relegated to this city\u2019s segregated schools. They have only one life, too.<br \/>\nCorrection: June 26, 2016 \tAn article on June 12 about segregation in New York City schools misstated the number of buildings from the Farragut Houses, a public-housing project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees) in Brooklyn, that were previously included in P.S. 307\u2019s attendance zone. It was five of the 10 buildings, not seven.<br \/>\nCorrection: June 22, 2016 an earlier version of this article referred incorrectly to homes in Stuyvesant Town. They have always been rental properties; residents have never been able to buy the homes there.<br \/>\nNikole Hannah-Jones is a staff writer for the magazine. She won a 2016 Peabody Award for her series on school segregation for \u201cThis American Life.\u201d\tA version of this article appears in print on June 12, 2016, on page MM34 of the Sunday Magazine with the headline: Worlds Apart. Paper Subscribe<br \/>\n3.\tRace and Class Collide in a Plan for Two Brooklyn Schools<br \/>\nBy KATE TAYLORSEPT. 22, 2015<br \/>\n<iframe class=\"wp-embedded-content\" sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" title=\"Race and Class Collide in a Plan for Two Brooklyn Schools\" src=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/svc\/oembed\/html\/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.nytimes.com%2F2015%2F09%2F23%2Fnyregion%2Frace-and-class-collide-in-a-plan-for-two-brooklyn-schools.html#?secret=Y135jZ7Ut4\" data-secret=\"Y135jZ7Ut4\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\"><\/iframe><br \/>\n\u2022\tPay attention at the images. What do you observe?<\/p>\n<p>Parents and students at Public School 8 Elementary School, right, in Brooklyn Heights and at Public School 307, left, in Dumbo, Brooklyn. Credit Michael Appleton for The New York Times, left; Sam Hodgson for The New York Times<br \/>\nAt Public School 8 in Brooklyn Heights, the auditorium\u2019s stage is crowded with music stands that were stored there when the music room had to be turned into a first-grade classroom.<br \/>\nThe prekindergarten program was cut because of lack of space. And with the school operating far above capacity, 50 families who live within its zone \u2014 which also includes Dumbo and much of another Brooklyn neighborhood, Vinegar Hill \u2014 were placed on a waiting list for kindergarten last spring.<br \/>\nTo the city, the solution for the overcrowding at P.S. 8 seemed obvious: move those two neighborhoods from P.S. 8\u2019s zone and into that of P.S. 307, which is nearby and has room to spare. The proposal, however, has drawn intense opposition, and not only from the families who would be rezoned from the predominantly white P.S. 8 to the mostly black P.S. 307. Some residents of the housing project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees) served by P.S. 307 also oppose the rezoning, worried about how an influx of wealthy, mostly white families could change their school.<br \/>\nFor all its diversity, New York City, by some measures, has one of the most segregated school systems in the country; in part because many elementary schools are effectively closed off to children who live outside their zones. And although the Brooklyn rezoning is mainly a response to crowding, it is becoming a real-life study in the challenges of integrating just one of the city\u2019s schools.<br \/>\nIt is also, perhaps, an unavoidable result of the gentrification in its part of Brooklyn. For many years, the area that came to be named Dumbo, for Down Under the Manhattan Bridge Overpass, was a decaying industrial district with relatively few families.<br \/>\nShirese Case nave, 51, who grew up in Farragut Houses, a public housing complex that now sends many children to P.S. 307, said she recalled some of her friends being bused to P.S. 8. \u201cThey had a choice,\u201d she said.<br \/>\nA Proposed School Rezoning Creates Controversy<br \/>\nThe city has proposed changing a Brooklyn Heights elementary school\u2019s attendance boundary so students who live in Dumbo will attend another school which mainly serves children who live in a housing project ( help with nursing paper writing from experts with MSN &#038; DNP degrees) now.<\/p>\n<p>Percentage of population that is black or Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers), by block<br \/>\nLess than 20%<br \/>\nMore than 80%<br \/>\nCurrent attendance zones<br \/>\nProposed zones<br \/>\nVinegar<br \/>\nHill<br \/>\nDumbo<br \/>\nP.S. 307<br \/>\nBrooklym<br \/>\nNavy Yard<br \/>\nP.S. 8<br \/>\nP.S. 8<br \/>\nBrooklyn<br \/>\nHeights<br \/>\nP.S. 307<br \/>\nSources: New York City Department of Education; Census<br \/>\nBy The New York Times<br \/>\nThat has changed, as Dumbo has become a thriving neighborhood where condominiums regularly sell for millions of dollars. Saying that the crowding problem was urgent, the city\u2019s Education Department plans to present its proposal at the end of the month to the District 13 Community Education Council, which represents school parents in the area and has the power to approve rezonings. The department is hoping the council will vote on the proposal in time for the boundaries to take effect next year.<br \/>\nBut at two town-hall-style meetings this month, parents on both sides angrily accused the department of withholding information and demanded that the timeline be slowed down. During a meeting at P.S. 307 last week, residents of Farragut Houses expressed fears that their children would no longer be allowed to attend P.S. 307 and would be bused elsewhere. (Students, who are already enrolled in P.S. 8 and P.S. 307, even if they do not live in the proposed zones, would not have to leave, according to the department.)<br \/>\n\u201cWe fought hard to build this school, and we\u2019re not just going to let people come from outside when we worked so hard and dedicated ourselves,\u201d Dolores Cheatom, a Farragut Houses resident, said at the meeting, holding her 1-year-old daughter on her hip.<br \/>\nShe said she had \u201cno problem working with anybody, but I\u2019m not going to let anybody take from my daughter.\u201d<br \/>\nAt a meeting at P.S. 8 on Monday, Dumbo residents pointed to P.S. 307\u2019s low test scores and asked what kind of training and extra resources the school\u2019s teachers would receive to make the education there comparable to that at P.S. 8. Some Dumbo parents said they were anxious about their children\u2019s being part of a racial minority in the school, while others worried that their children would not be sufficiently challenged.<br \/>\n\u201cIf you\u2019re doubling the classroom size, what are the plans in terms of who are you hiring?\u201d asked Lisa McKeon, a mother of two toddlers in Dumbo. \u201cWho\u2019s going to be training them?<br \/>\nPhoto<\/p>\n<p>Dolores Cheatom and her 1-year-old daughter, Keilani, leaving their apartment, which is across the street from P.S. 307. Credit Michael Appleton for The New York Times<br \/>\n\u201cI need answers, and it\u2019s not because I want to be in P.S. 8.\u201d<br \/>\nA father of a 1-year-old in Dumbo, who declined to give his name, accused the department of playing down the academic challenges at P.S. 307, which he called \u201cseverely underperforming.\u201d<br \/>\n\u201cI don\u2019t want to be the bad guy in the room, but no one else wants to talk about it,\u201d he said.<br \/>\nHe added, \u201cHow does sending all Dumbo and Vinegar Hill children to the school solve P.S. 307\u2019s problems?\u201d<br \/>\nA department official, Jonathan Geis, spoke up to correct him. \u201cWe are not seeing problems at 307,\u201d he said. \u201cWe are seeing and what we\u2019ve heard from everyone is that it\u2019s a wonderful learning community,\u201d adding that the schools chancellor had said so.<br \/>\n\u201cNone of this rezoning is to fix any problems at 307,\u201d Mr. Geis added.<br \/>\nP.S. 307\u2019s population is 90 percent black and Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers), and 90 percent of the students\u2019 families receive some form of public Helpance. Its state test scores, while below the citywide averages, are closer to average for black and Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers) students, with 20 percent of its students passing the math tests and 12 percent passing the reading tests this past year. At P.S. 8, whose population is 59 percent white, with only 15 percent receiving Helpance, scores are considerably above the city averages. Almost two-thirds of its students passed each test.<br \/>\nAndrew Lee, who lives in Dumbo and has a 4-year-old son and a daughter on the way, said he was not necessarily opposed to the rezoning but wanted to hear more from the department about how it would enhance the offerings at P.S. 307.<br \/>\n\u201cWe understand that that school is kind of on the upswing, all things considered,\u201d Mr. Lee said in an interview. \u201cBut is it at the level of a P.S. 8 yet? It\u2019s not really clear.\u201d<br \/>\nPhoto<\/p>\n<p>Andrew Lee, in his Dumbo home with his wife and 4-year-old son, says he has concerns about the education at P.S. 307. Credit Sam Hodgson for The New York Times<br \/>\nResearch has found that minority students who attend integrated schools perform better academically and go on to earn higher incomes and have better health than minority students who attend segregated schools.<br \/>\nGary Orfield, the co-director of the Civil Rights Project at the University of California, Los Angeles, which published a study about school segregation in New York State last year, said it was rare for a school district to take advantage of gentrification to create more integrated schools. \u201cThis is exactly the opposite of what New York has been doing for decades,\u201d Dr. Orfield said.<br \/>\nHe said the residents who opposed the rezoning \u201caren\u2019t racists.\u201d<br \/>\n\u201cThey aren\u2019t people who don\u2019t want to be with other races and other cultures,\u201d he said. \u201cThey just don\u2019t want to be in a ghetto. They don\u2019t want to be in a school where everybody\u2019s poor and their kid is the only white kid or the only Asian kid.\u201d<br \/>\nWhile redrawing school zones are, logistically, the simplest solutions to crowding and segregation, they are usually the most politically complex and thus are done relatively rarely. A school\u2019s boundary zone can dictate neighborhood real estate values. In another part of Brooklyn, the removal of several blocks from the highly coveted P.S. 321 in Park Slope drew protests a few years ago, though in that case, those students were transferred to a new school.<br \/>\nIn Dumbo, the Community Education Council has not said yet whether it will approve the proposal in its current form. If it does not approve a rezoning plan, the lines will stay as drawn; meaning some future kindergartners who live in the P.S. 8 zone will probably have to go elsewhere.<br \/>\nWeeks before a decision could be made; the reluctance that some Dumbo parents have expressed about sending their children to P.S. 307 has already produced some bitter feelings. Toward the end of the meeting on Monday, Benjamin Greene, the second vice president of the Community Education Council and a parent at P.S. 307, challenged the parents in P.S. 8\u2019s zone to visit P.S. 307 to see whether their minds might change.<br \/>\n\u201cWe are all parents,\u201d Mr. Greene said. \u201cWe need to start talking to one another and stop looking down on one another.\u201d<br \/>\nFollow The New York Times\u2019s Metro coverage on Facebook and Twitter, and sign up for the New York Today newsletter.<br \/>\nA version of this article appears in print on September 23, 2015, on page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: Race and Class Collide in a Plan for Two Schools. Order Reprints| Paper Subscribe<br \/>\nN.Y. \/ Region<br \/>\n<iframe class=\"wp-embedded-content\" sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" title=\"School Segregation Persists in Gentrifying Neighborhoods,\u00a0Maps Suggest\" src=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/svc\/oembed\/html\/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.nytimes.com%2F2015%2F12%2F16%2Fnyregion%2Fschool-segregation-persists-in-gentrifying-neighborhoodsmaps-suggest.html#?secret=Pu47IF7tXX\" data-secret=\"Pu47IF7tXX\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\"><\/iframe><br \/>\n4.\tSchool Segregation Persists in Gentrifying Neighborhoods, Maps Suggest<br \/>\nBy ELIZABETH A. HARRISDEC. 15, 2015<br \/>\nPhoto<\/p>\n<p>At the Margaret Douglas School in Morningside Heights, near Columbia University, the median income in 2014 was $36,000, and the student population was 96 percent black and Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers). Credit John Taggart for the New York Times<br \/>\nThe segregation in New York City elementary schools is often assumed to be a simple consequence of where people live: If neighborhoods are racially divided, so too will be their neighborhood schools.<br \/>\nBut an analysis by a think tank at the New School to be released on Wednesday shows that things might be more complicated. Researchers at the New School\u2019s Center for New York City Affairs mapped the median family income and racial makeup of schools against those of surrounding neighborhoods, and found many of the schools to have markedly less variety.<br \/>\n\u201cWe see a lot of areas where income is more mixed, and ethnicity is more mixed, but the schools are not,\u201d said Nicole Mader, an education policy analyst at the center.<br \/>\nThe analysts\u2019 maps provide stark evidence of something many New Yorkers know intuitively: Middle-class families, often white, are happy to live in areas where their neighbors are less well-off and are a different color; this is the very tide of gentrification. But they are less willing to send their children to schools where most of their classmates are likely to be poor and either black or Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers).<br \/>\nThis impulse creates pockets of extremes. More affluent families cluster in schools with reputations for good academics. Many middle-class families zoned for high-poverty schools send their children to charter schools or gifted and talented programs, rather than to a local school.<br \/>\nTake Public School 36, the Margaret Douglas School in Morningside Heights, right in the backyard of Columbia University and many of its faculty members.<br \/>\nAccording to the 2014 American Community Survey, the median household income for the school zone was nearly $69,000 a year, and 37 percent of its residents were either black or Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers). But at P.S. 36, the New School report said, the median income was $36,000, and the student population was 96 percent black and Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers).<br \/>\n\u201cThe question is, how do you get families with options to send their kids to these schools,\u201d Douglas Ready, associate professor of education and public policy at Columbia University\u2019s Teachers College, said. \u201cSome of the bad reputations are warranted, but some are not.\u201d<br \/>\nUsing data from the city\u2019s Department of Education and the Census Bureau, Ms. Mader and Clara Hemphill, founding editor of the Inside Schools website of the Center for New York City Affairs, arrived at ethnic and socioeconomic estimates for each of the city\u2019s 734 neighborhood elementary schools. At 124 of those schools, serving a population of about 63,000 students, they found the median household income was at least 20 percent lower than the income of the surrounding school zone.<br \/>\nThey also found concentrations of extreme racial segregation. At 59 elementary schools in neighborhoods that were at least somewhat racially mixed, student populations were more than 90 percent black and Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers).<br \/>\nA report released last year by the Civil Rights Project at the University of California, Los Angeles, said that New York City\u2019s are among the most segregated public schools in the country, and that segregation has grown more extreme since 2000. Moves that might reverse the trend at individual schools are often met with fierce community resistance.<br \/>\nThe Education Department recently abandoned one such proposal, which would have redrawn school zone lines on the Upper West Side. The effort would have moved some families from P.S. 199, which is high-performing and overcrowded, with students who are mostly white, to P.S. 191, which has many empty desks and struggles academically, and where 80 percent of the students are black and Hispanic (the best nursing writing service, a studybay for your papers).<br \/>\nThe department recently announced it would allow a small group of schools in gentrifying neighborhoods to set aside seats for low-income or non-English-speaking children to maintain racial and economic diversity.<br \/>\nBut Ms. Hemphill said the data demonstrates that the city needs to change its overall approach. \u201cWe do have housing segregation in New York City, and it\u2019s quite serious,\u201d she said, but \u201cwe need to rethink the notion that we can\u2019t do anything about integration until we integrate the neighborhoods.\u201d<br \/>\nA version of this article appears in print on December 16, 2015, on page A32 of the New York edition with the headline: School Segregation Persists in Gentrifying Areas, Maps Show . Order Reprints| Paper Subscribe<\/p>\n<p>ASSIGNMENT:<br \/>\nPart I.<br \/>\n1.\tFirst summarize key issues discussed in the articles ( 2-3 paragraphs all together)<\/p>\n<p>Drawing from insights  gained from the articles and videos, briefly discuss the following questions,<\/p>\n<p>Questions 2 to 8, all together  4-5 paragraphs)<\/p>\n<p>2.\tAre there essential differences in the ways, African American, minorities and, White families socialize and educate their children?<br \/>\n3.\tTo what extent is education liked to social mobility? And, does the broadening of access to educational opportunities make our society more equal?<br \/>\n4.\tIf the general education level of the population increases does you think that the distinction between rich and poor will disappear? Why? Why not?<br \/>\n5.\tHow many percentage of the population in the U.S. with regard to ethnic make-ups do you think are functionally illiterate? And how does it impact families\u2019 and an individual\u2019s or a group\u2019s ability to access resources available in society? Give adequate examples.<br \/>\n6.\tFrom the selected videos, what is the quality and value of grades and diplomas given in mainly Black or non-white educational institutions in our society today? Can one be said to have attained high education and yet not be in position to read instructions in a Laundromat or fill out a job application? Which ethnic group do you think is impacted the most by this statement?<br \/>\n7.\tFrom the articles, how segregated are the schools? And why are schools slow in closing gaps between the races? Based on the articles and your own knowledge or experience, is there racism in education in the U.S. educational institutions and school system? If yes, what are the consequences?<br \/>\n8.\tFrom the articles, why is New York City schools considered the most segregated in the nation? Has much changed in school and education policies since the publications of these articles? And how do you see the future of education in the U.S. in particular with minority groups?<\/p>\n<p>Part II<\/p>\n<p>1.\tWhich three of the sociological perspectives covered in this class best explain your findings from the selected articles? And, why?  (Think of the following perspectives: Functionalism, Conflict, Symbolic interactionism, Rational Choice, Feminist\u2019 Intersectionality)  (limit: 2-3 paragraphs)<\/p>\n<p>2.\tIf education (quality) is a key factor in upward social mobility which strategies or solutions would you propose toward reducing if not eliminating segregation, discrimination and prejudice in our educational school systems? And, why?<br \/>\n(2 paragraphs)<\/p>\n<p>PART 3.    ALL CLASS REQUIREMENT<br \/>\n3- 4 PARAGRAPHS SUMMARY OF WHAT YOU LEARNED IN THIS COURSE AND HOW IT WOULD BE USEFUL TO YOU IN YOUR CAREER AND EVERYDAY LIFE.<br \/>\nDUE: MAY 13, 2023, ON OR BEFORE MIDNIGHT<br \/>\nEXTRA CREDIT: (Highly recommended)<br \/>\nEconomics<br \/>\nASSIGNMENT: Length Limit 4 \u2013 5  paragraphs all together.<br \/>\n1.\tFirst, read and summarize key issues discussed in the articles and videos<br \/>\n2.\tExplain why Pay Gap Persists Regardless of Marital Status<br \/>\n3.\tWhich theoretical perspectives covered in class explain best your response to question 2?<br \/>\nREADING 1.<br \/>\nSingle women are a rising force in the labor market. So why is their pay gap widening?<br \/>\nClick on the link below to review the article. Watch the two videos embedded in the article. Pay attention to the data presented.<br \/>\nhttps:\/\/www.msnbc.com\/know-your-value\/business-culture\/single-women-are-rising-force-labor-market-so-why-their-n1304576<br \/>\nThe pay gap has not only remained, it has increased by 3.7 percent from a decade ago, according to a new report.<\/p>\n<p>A new report from Wells Fargo shows that never married, single women working full-time earn 92 percent of what their single male counterparts earn. Tinpixels \/ Getty Images<br \/>\nSingle women are now the fastest growing group in the labor market. Yet a new study from Wells Fargo finds that as their numbers in the workforce increase, their wage gap is too.<\/p>\n<p>Study finds single women earning only 92 percent of male counterparts&#8217; pay<br \/>\nAPRIL 25, 202307:28<br \/>\nAccording to the report, the number of never married women increased by 20 percent over the last decade. Still, never married, single women working full-time earn 92 percent of what their single male counterparts earn.<br \/>\nAnd while single women in the labor force have grown three times the pace of the overall labor market in the past 10 years, the pay gap has not only remained, it has increased by 3.7 percent from 10 years ago.<br \/>\n\u201cThis may not sound like gigantic numbers, but there are huge implications for wealth building,\u201d said ForbesWomen editor Maggie McGrath on Tuesday\u2019s \u201cMorning Joe.\u201d For example, the report also found that single women have 18 percent lower net worth than their male counterparts. And if you take out women who were once divorced, separated or widowed (and likely had some economic benefit from marriage), that number increases to 29 percent lower wealth for never-married women compared to their male counterparts.<br \/>\nExperts said the wage gap is particularly stark for women because they typically take on a disproportionate amount of unpaid caregiving that takes them out of the workforce. There\u2019s also an implicit bias about the value of women\u2019s work, which affects pay. And there are occupational differences where male-dominated fields (like STEM) often pay more than typically female-dominated fields.<\/p>\n<p>Dolores Huerta: &#8216;Equal pay means finally passing the ERA&#8217;<br \/>\nHuma Abedin, chair of the 30\/50 summit and longtime aide to Hillary Clinton, said that in order to close the gender wage gap we must update and strengthen current laws. Salary transparency is also crucial. \u201cWomen need to know what a job pays. And we know that women tend to undervalue themselves as it is. So, to go into a workspace and to understand what your colleagues are being paid and having those conversations is important.\u201d<br \/>\nAccording to the report, the number of never married women increased by 20 percent over the last decade. Still, never married, single women working full-time earn 92 percent of what their single male counterparts earn.<br \/>\nAnd while single women in the labor force have grown three times the pace of the overall labor market in the past 10 years, the pay gap has not only remained, it has increased by 3.7 percent from 10 years ago.<br \/>\n\u201cThis may not sound like gigantic numbers, but there are huge implications for wealth building,\u201d said ForbesWomen editor Maggie McGrath on Tuesday\u2019s \u201cMorning Joe.\u201d For example, the report also found that single women have 18 percent lower net worth than their male counterparts. And if you take out women who were once divorced, separated or widowed (and likely had some economic benefit from marriage), that number increases to 29 percent lower wealth for never-married women compared to their male counterparts.<br \/>\nExperts said the wage gap is particularly stark for women because they typically take on a disproportionate amount of unpaid caregiving that takes them out of the workforce. There\u2019s also an implicit bias about the value of women\u2019s work, which affects pay. And there are occupational differences where male-dominated fields (like STEM) often pay more than typically female-dominated fields.<\/p>\n<p>Dolores Huerta: &#8216;Equal pay means finally passing the ERA&#8217;<br \/>\nHuma Abedin, chair of the 30\/50 summit and longtime aide to Hillary Clinton, said that in order to close the gender wage gap we must update and strengthen current laws. Salary transparency is also crucial. \u201cWomen need to know what a job pays. And we know that women tend to undervalue themselves as it is. So, to go into a workspace and to understand what your colleagues are being paid and having those conversations is important.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Lastly, Abedin said a cultural change needs to take place. She noted that not all business is done in the workplace<br \/>\n\u201cHow many men go and do deals on the golf course or at ball games? And, so how women network, how we are together, supporting each other, I think between these three things that\u2019s how we push the ball forward in ensuring equal pay for women.\u201d<br \/>\nREADING 2.<br \/>\nParty of One<br \/>\nHow Single Women Stack Up in the U.S. Economy<br \/>\n* SCROLL DOWN CONTENT TO OPEN THE ARTICLE (pdf copy)<br \/>\nOr.<br \/>\nClick on the link below to review the article. Pay attention to the data presented.<br \/>\nhttps:\/\/wellsfargo.bluematrix.com\/links2\/html\/d0f1547d-0864-4f9f-a630-32f147eabd95<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>FINAL ASSIGNMENT SOCIOLOGY OF THE FAMILY SPRING 2023 &#8211; POSTED 4-30-23 EDUCATION IN THE U.S. \u2013 UNEQUAL CHILDHOOD. \u2022 TO EFFECTIVELY DO THIS FINAL ASSIGNMENT, YOU MUST CAREFULLY READ THE SELECTED ARTICLES AND RE WATCH SOME OF THE VIDEOS POSTED ON CANVAS. \u2022 PAY ATTENTION TO THE INSTRUCTIONS FOR EACH PART OF THE ASSIGNMENT AND [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":5,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[10567,10571,10574,10566,10569,10568,10570,10573,10417,10572,10565,7653],"tags":[10524,10516,10522,10523,10514,10561,10515,10521,10520,10518,10517,10519,10513,10525],"class_list":["post-122156","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-1-assignment-help-online-service-for-students-in-the-usa","category-ai-plagiarism-free-essay-writing-tool","category-buy-essay-uk","category-can-someone-write-my-assignment-for-me","category-do-my-essay-assignment","category-help-me-write-my-dissertation","category-help-with-writing-an-essay","category-help-write-my-paper-ai-free","category-homework-for-you","category-online-essay-writers","category-write-my-assignment-help-for-college-students","category-write-my-essay-for-me","tag-apa-citation-format-assignment","tag-assignment-help-by-uks-no-1-writing-service","tag-assignment-writers-australia-college-student","tag-assignment-writers-canada-university-cost","tag-assignment-writers-china-english-free-ai","tag-buy-essay-usa","tag-help-write-a-page-assignment","tag-i-need-someone-to-do-my-assignment-within-hours","tag-in-page-paper-write-an-essay","tag-need-to-write-an-essay","tag-professional-assignment-writers-usa","tag-uae-1-cheap-assignment-writing-service","tag-write-a-word-essay","tag-write-pages"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.colapapers.com\/assessments\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/122156","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.colapapers.com\/assessments\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.colapapers.com\/assessments\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.colapapers.com\/assessments\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/5"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.colapapers.com\/assessments\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=122156"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.colapapers.com\/assessments\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/122156\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.colapapers.com\/assessments\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=122156"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.colapapers.com\/assessments\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=122156"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.colapapers.com\/assessments\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=122156"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}