{"id":74910,"date":"2019-06-18T17:08:36","date_gmt":"2019-06-18T17:08:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/essays.homeworkacetutors.com\/factors-for-barriers-to-academic-success-and-retention-for-black-males\/"},"modified":"2019-06-18T17:08:36","modified_gmt":"2019-06-18T17:08:36","slug":"factors-for-barriers-to-academic-success-and-retention-for-black-males","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colapapers.com\/us\/factors-for-barriers-to-academic-success-and-retention-for-black-males\/","title":{"rendered":"Factors for Barriers to Academic Success and Retention for Black Males"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Running head: Ignoring The Bull In The China Shop: A Qualitative
\nStudy Exploring The Barriers of Academic Success And Retention For First
\nGeneration African American Males Attending HBCUs<\/h4>\n

Abstract<\/h3>\n

This qualitative study examines the experiences of 3 male students of color attending HBCUs in southern states of the United States. Research has shown that Black men are attending college at significantly disproportionate rate than white males, as well as their Black female counterparts. According to a report by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES; 2010), the gender gap for enrollment between male and female Black students has increased significantly over the last 30 years. Although the enrollment rate has increased over the last 30 years, universities have failed to retain FGMOC after their freshman year of college. This study aims to reveal non-cognitive factors that affect the enrollment status for First Generation African American Men. Furthermore, we will discuss the precollege experiences of black males before they enter college. In addition, researching models to specify the complexities of experiences for males at HBCU\u2019s, while examining how Tinto\u2019s Research Model compares to newer research models that focus on non-cogitative behaviors and retention rates for men of color<\/a> attending HBCUs. This phenomenological study is intended to offer some possible solutions for poor graduation rates amongst men of color in higher education.\u00a0 Moreover, this research paper will also take a look at the correlation between the lack funding for student engagement, counseling services and academic enhancement services as it results to retaining first generation freshman male students at Historically Black Colleges and Universities. <\/p>\n

Chapter 1<\/h2>\n

Introduction<\/h3>\n

When examining
\nretention rates for African American males there are multiple factors that
\nintervene in their progression in college. \u00a0When looking at the data and research in the
\nworld of academia, male students of color aren\u2019t stacking up to their
\ncounterparts as it pertains to continuing education after high school
\ngraduation. High school students across the nation are now faced with the most
\nimportant decision of their young lives. The education system for years has
\nforced 17-year-old students to make a life changing decision on whether college
\nis their next destination or should he join the workforce. As male students of
\ncolor are pushed to enter the higher education arena, there are non-cognitive
\nvariables that may also contribute to added pressures after graduation high
\nschool.\u00a0 According to the Center for the
\nStudy of College Student Retention (2008), nearly 50% of students entering
\nhigher education will not earn a degree. This is a significant problem for both
\nstudents and higher education institutions. Dropping out of college is not a
\nnew problem, and institutions continue to try different strategies to improve
\nstudent retention. But according to a recent report by the American College
\nTesting Program (2010), the average retention rates across the U.S. have not
\nimproved appreciably over the past decade. Men of color are on average dropping
\nout of higher education institutions. <\/p>\n

This research
\npaper will explore non-cognitive issues that hinder FGAAM from remaining in
\ncollege after their first year. Non-cognitive research looks at a student\u2019s
\nfamily background characteristics, affects, attitudes, interests, social sensitivity,
\nand interpersonal competence, coping skills, creativity, and personal values
\n(Messick et al., 1979).<\/p>\n

Statement of the Problem<\/h3>\n

The purpose of this quantitative research is to explore
\nnon-cognitive factors that influence or affect retention rates for First Generation
\nMale Students of Color attending Historically Black Colleges and Universities.
\nThe academic success and retention of students, particularly during their first
\nyear, are major concerns for colleges and universities (Noble and Sawyer, 1987;
\nTing, 2001; Sander, Pike and Saupe, 2002). Researchers have determined several
\nfactors that serve as barriers that impedes on the success of FGMOC in college.
\nPoor retention and persistence rates and active disengagement on campus have
\nbeen linked with systemic discrimination in the education pipeline (Palmer et
\nal., 2009; West, 2001); lack of or minimal family involvement (Lewis &
\nMiddleton, 2003; Palmer, Davis, & Maramba, in press); perceived cultural
\nattitudes of \u201cacting White\u201d (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Lundy, 2005);
\nconservative institutional climates at historically Black colleges and
\nuniversities (HBCUs; Harper 7 Gasman, 2008); inadequate financial assistance
\n(Thomas, Faffow, & Martinez, 1998); perceived incongruence of academic
\nsuccess and masculinity (Davis, 2003);\u00a0
\nand academic preparation (Davis & Palmer, 2010; Klopfenstein, 2004;
\nPalmer & Davis in press; Perna, Redd, & Swsail, 2003; Riegle-Crumb,
\n2006, Zamani, 2000). <\/p>\n

Non-cognitive factors affecting retention rates for Africa American
\nmale students is often times the lack of academic under preparedness once
\nenrolled at HBCUs. Throughout history it is important to note that students
\nhaven\u2019t always been taught how to critically think about their life, nor
\naddress critical at-risk factors that will occur in their personal life.
\nStephen Norris said back in 1985 that most kids are not equipped to \u201crecognize
\nassumptions, evaluate arguments, and appraise inferences.\u201d In 1992,
\npsychologists John Tooby and Leda Cosmoses told us\u00a0humans are evolved
\nsimply to avoid dangers and survive (Crockett, 2016).<\/p>\n

The lack of knowledge or the student\u2019s unwillingness to ask for help
\nduring a crisis is a key factor that might derail their dreams of finishing
\ncollege and obtaining a career after finishing. Students who lack an
\neducational foundation struggle to learn the basics and lose out on the
\nimportance of creating your personal support system. First Generation Males of
\nColor are faced with a multitude of issues before they arrive on campus. \u00a0Most universities make accommodations to get
\nthe students to campus, but often times leave them to navigate the campus on
\ntheir own. When you look at the fact that a student is first generation his
\nfamily may not completely know how to navigate the college system themselves. <\/p>\n

Purpose of Study<\/h3>\n

Imagine boys of color playing together in their back yard on a sunny
\nsummer day. These boys each showing equal amounts of enthusiasm, energy, and
\nfeeling as they discuss big aspirations for life; many dream of becoming
\nlawyers, scientists, or even future presidents of the United States. In it is
\nthis moment, their potential to be successful is equal across the board and
\nlimitless in their future. Male students of color such as African American,
\nLatino males are than likely to attend under resourced schools with poor
\nacademic outcomes than their white counterparts. <\/p>\n

Many studies conducted by researchers have explored how such
\nstructural barriers hinder academic success among Native American,
\nAfrican-American, and Latino male students, as compared to white students. This
\ndata reflects gaps in academic performance and degree attainment for male\u2019s
\nstudents of color. First-generation college students are a marginalized group
\nthat goes relatively unnoticed in the world of higher education (Hand &
\nPayne, 2008). Hand and Payne (2008), suggest that this may happen because some
\nmay not look different like as other marginalized groups, such as Hispanics or
\nAfrican-Americans. The purpose of this study is to determine how well HBCUs
\nhandle non-cognitive issues facing FGAAM once they arrive at the university. In
\naddition, review the experiences that either creates positive or negative an
\natmosphere for males students of color to remain at the their university. As
\nthe researcher, I will attempt to identify underlining factors that impact
\npersistence and perception of academic success for male students of color in
\ntheir first year of study at Historically Black Colleges and Universities. <\/p>\n

Research Questions<\/h3>\n
    \n
  1. Non-Cognitive
    \nvariables that contribute to first generation male students of color
    \npersistence to baccalaureate degree completion. <\/li>\n
  2. Motivating factors influencing male
    \nstudents of color to persist towards completion of the baccalaureate degree.<\/li>\n
  3. How did personal experiences
    \ncampus impact or influence their decision to stay or withdraw from pursuit of
    \nearning their degree? <\/li>\n
  4. What roles do
    \npeers; parents and collegiate educators play in African American male students\u2019
    \nability to academically succeed at HBCUs?<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    Significance of The Problem<\/h3>\n

    This research project is significant for reasons that can and will
    \nadd to the body of knowledge dedicated to academic success for students of
    \ncolor; it has the possibility to help HBCUs retention efforts for male\u2019s
    \nstudents of color. Little research has been conducted on the student perceptions,
    \nattitudes, and beliefs of male students of color as it relates to their persistence
    \nin the quest of a postsecondary education. The information from the focus
    \ngroups will assist university administrators with developing programming
    \nopportunities that are intentional and caters to the needs of FGAAM.<\/p>\n

    Moreover,
    \nthis research information will assist in the retention of all students,
    \nincluding African-American males. Also, the findings can better inform the
    \nuniversities faculty, staffs and administrators who work with male students of
    \ncolor on a daily basis. <\/p>\n

    Limitations <\/h3>\n

    \u00a0Researchers commonly bound
    \nstudies within the context of certain limitations and delimitations (Creswell,
    \n2003). It remains unclear if cognitive variables are better predictors of
    \nstudent\u2019s success within the first in the second semester than in the first.
    \nThe selected sample only represents students from one 4-year college in
    \nsouthern United States during a single time period. Will students provide
    \naccurate information when conducting focus groups?<\/p>\n

    The
    \ninterview process may not be an efficient way to collect reliable information
    \nwhen the questions are centered on matters that participants perceive as complex.
    \nLastly, limitations of this study my not tell the whole story as a result of
    \nthe number of students in the focus groups.<\/p>\n

    Assumption of The Study<\/h3>\n

    Although the research show that HBCUs are providing male students of
    \ncolor with support that will lead to their success, data shows that men of
    \nAfrican American males are not finishing the process. While the foundational
    \ntheories of retention include such non-cognitive factors as Tinto\u2019s (1993)
    \nprecollege characteristics and goals and commitments, or Astin\u2019s (1993)
    \ncognitive-psychological or cognitive-behavioral dimensions, there is a gap in
    \nthe theory about specific measures being taken by campuses in using this
    \ninformation to affect positive change related to retention rates, or in measuring
    \nthe impact of such measures. There is an assumption that HBCUs don\u2019t create
    \nlearning environments for males students of color once they arrive on campus. <\/p>\n

    CHAPTER 2<\/h2>\n

    REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE<\/h3>\n

    Student retention and persistence have
    \nbeen an issue facing higher education for decades, as access to college has
    \nexpanded research on the progression of non-white students has provided consist
    \nmatriculation data. However, men of color have consistently showed signs of
    \nnon-matriculation as it pertains to graduation rates in higher education.<\/p>\n

    As Johnson (2000) wrote, every year
    \nprospective college students receive volumes of materials from a variety of
    \ninstitutions, and every year college administrators fund research and research-based
    \ninterventions in order to cut down on the rate of student departure. Yet nearly
    \none out of every four-college freshmen leaves the institution he or she carefully
    \nchose to attend. The departure of these students from college, in spite of their
    \nown preparation and the efforts of the institutions to retain them, constitutes
    \na puzzle. (p. 157)<\/p>\n

    The purpose of
    \nthis review is to add to the existing scholarship exploring methodologies that
    \nmay serve to increase retention and degree attainment among First Generation
    \nMen of color attention Historically Black Colleges and Universities in higher education.
    \nThe objective of this chapter review is to provide a comprehensive variation of
    \nexisting literature and previous research on first-generation males of color in
    \nhigher education. This chapter is organized to provide both a theoretical and
    \npractical foundation for the current study of male students of color. This
    \nchapter is divided into sections that will provide a clear review of the
    \nexisting issues for male students of color. The first section provides a
    \nhistorical context followed by K-12 progressions for African American males in
    \nthe education field. Also, details about the demographic trends and non-cognitive
    \nvariables that contribute to lack of first-generation male students of color
    \npersistence to baccalaureate degree completion. Following this section, this
    \npaper will discuss
    \nprecollege experiences of male\u2019s students of color before they enter college. <\/p>\n

    The third section provides
    \nan overview of the theoretical models as they exam the impact in which universities
    \nhave on integration, retention and departure for male students of color to
    \npersistence. As well as exam motivating factors influencing male students of
    \ncolor to persist towards completion of the baccalaureate degree. Following these topics of discussion, the fourth section will review
    \nresearch models to specify the complexities of experiences for males at HBCU\u2019s,
    \nwhile examining how Tinto\u2019s & Sedlacek Research Model\u2019s compares to newer
    \nresearch models that focus on non-cogitative behaviors and retention rates for
    \nmen of color attending HBCUs. Also, review the complexities of academic and
    \nsocial experiences First Generation Africa American males experience once they
    \nare on campus. The final section of this chapter will conclude with an analysis
    \nof the correlation between the lack funding for student engagement, counseling
    \nservices and academic enhancement services as it results to retaining first
    \ngeneration freshman male students at Historically Black Colleges and
    \nUniversities. <\/p>\n

    Historical Context<\/h3>\n

    The emancipation of slaves was a process of crime and war against a
    \nrace of people that generationally destroyed any new advancement for African
    \nAmericans. Throughout those vile and inhuman acts within American history,
    \nslaves were held back from learning to read and write, in most jurisdictions it
    \nwas a criminal offense to teach a slave to read. Black people were not brought
    \nto this country to be given an education, citizenship, or democracy. They were
    \nbrought to this country to serve, to labor, and to obey\u2026When servants are
    \neducated at all they are educated to serve, but never to share in power, thus
    \nplanting the seeds of our present day educational crisis. (Clarke, 1973, p. 17)\n<\/p>\n

    However, 30 years after the emancipation Historically Black Colleges
    \ncultivated swiftly and flourished under racial tensions in the South. This
    \nmovement was notably aided by northern Christian churches, which sent hundreds
    \nof missionary\u2019s to the schools in the south to teach young blacks. As the progress
    \nheightens within the south to educate African Americans extreme tensions arose
    \nas a result of the mere thought of blacks attending college. This movement triggered
    \nanger within the White South. <\/p>\n

    Consequently, one of the many casualties was the president of
    \nTalladega who shot and killed in 1870.\u00a0
    \nBooker T. Washington who is one of the most notable African American
    \nfigures of education, argued for racial conciliation as the violence spun out
    \nof control in the White South. Mr. Washington encouraged black families to
    \navoid any direct competition for higher education, as a way to please the White
    \nSouth. Booker T. Washington said that Blacks should concentrate on trades and
    \nmanual labor. Throughout the south Booker T. Washington\u2019s position on education
    \naccess for blacks eased much of the White southern opposition. This allowed the
    \nestablishment of Black colleges in most southern states and southern whites
    \nagreed to provide funding for the vocational\/trade education of African
    \nAmericans. However, if we compare the educational struggles over the last 100
    \nyears, research shows that it\u2019s hard to see a clear difference in the
    \nprogression of African Americans particularly African American men. <\/p>\n

    K-12 Progression<\/h3>\n

    The No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act of 2001 is arguably one the most
    \ndamaging education policy initiative passed by legislation The United States in
    \nover the last four decades. The provision of the NCLB Act (No Child Left Behind
    \nAct of 2001, 2002) mandated that educators in schools improve the academic
    \nperformance of their students. The low performance of African American male
    \nstudents is an apparent reason for educators to be concerned with seeking
    \ninstructional methods and strategies to reach groups of students who are
    \nperforming below average. NCLB Act assumes the practice of pushing struggling
    \nblack males out of school to boost test scores, which has become quite common
    \npractice in the K-12 arena. Many black males attending low performing school
    \nwere perfect targets for the common practice of social advancement. <\/p>\n

    Over the years, there has been ample of amount of research devoted
    \nto finding ways to increase the academic success for African American males in
    \nK-12 and higher education. One key factor noted by multiple researchers is
    \nconsistent stagnation between Black male college enrollment and lack of
    \neducational attainment in their disproportionate departure from high school.
    \nThe educational outlook for African American males has systemically been more destructive
    \nthan any other ethnic group. Wray (2001) found that approximately one-fourth of
    \nall prime age African American males who have not graduated from high school
    \nwere incarcerated or under the control of the correction system. At midyear,
    \nJune 30, 2009, statistics showed that an estimated 841,000 Black males under
    \nthe age of 18 were incarcerated in state, federal prison or local jails. For
    \nevery 100,000 U. S. residents, Black males were incarcerated at a rate of 4,749
    \ninmates, 6 times higher than White non-Hispanic males (West, 2010).<\/p>\n

    Demographic Variables of Progression <\/h3>\n

    Historically, African Americans have placed a great deal of emphasis on educational attainment. Black leaders, activists and scholars have long advocated that the road to upward mobility, group competitiveness and liberation was paved with education (Smith, 1989). One of the most noted Negro men of our time W. E. B. Du Bois predicted in 1903 that the issue of the 20th century would be education and the color line. Du Bois compared the concept of the color line principally to the role of race and racism in American history and society. When looking at the journey of African Americans particularly African American males, the quest to attain their education has always had its share of hard ache and pain. <\/em><\/p>\n

    According to the Pew Research Center, fall 2008 had the most significant growth in first-time postsecondary enrollment in four decades. Students of color led the enrollment boom, with a 15 percent increase for Hispanics, followed by increases of 8 percent for African Americans, 6 percent for Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, and 2 percent for Native Americans (Fry 2010). These statistics are promising, but with minority males lagging behind their female peers in college completion rates, they are not enough to close the gaps (College Board 2010). <\/p>\n

    The U.S. Census projects that racial and ethnic minorities will
    \nrepresent more than half of all children in the United States by 2023 and that
    \nthe U.S. population will be 54 percent minority by 2050 (College Board 2010).
    \nYouth from these communities need full preparation for access to higher
    \neducation. This data shows that America will possibly have a population of
    \nuntapped potential as it pertains to minority males of color if these trends
    \ncontinue American will have a majority lead population of uneducated men. Each
    \nof the four ethnic groups discussed all face problematic community issues that
    \nhinder their chances of gaining an education. Research has often provided the
    \ntrends that created the atmosphere to springboard discussions about the at risk
    \ncommunities in which these young live. \u00a0As the population shifted and researchers from
    \nunderrepresented communities entered the research field there was limited
    \ninformation on Hispanic, Native American, and Asian American men.<\/p>\n

    Among the many challenges facing these different communities, a few stand out as affecting these young men. For example, the overrepresentation of minority men among those held back in or suspended from school is a significant component in young men\u2019s lack of academic success (Fenning and Rose 2007). These two factors affect school readiness and contribute to the often-cited \u201cpipeline to prison\u201d for African American boys in particular (Rashid 2009).\u00a0 Another important factor is the \u201coveremphasis on special education as a solution for boys acting out\u201d (College Board 2010). Instead of addressing behavioral issues, schools are inclined to place a disproportionate number of male students of color in special education programs (Davis and Polite 1994). These trends have created a negative learning curve for male students of color, which has conditioned them to neglect their quest for education. This trend has also created negative stereotypes that follow these young men as they transition throughout middle school, high school and college. <\/p>\n

    Precollege Experiences of First Generation African American Males <\/h3>\n

    The African American experience became a hub of chaotic stressors during the year 1641, when a Virginia court ruled in favor of dissimilarity between White and Black indentured servants. This ruling began the quest to successfully disenfranchisement African Americans people, which in returned destroyed the foundation of the African American Family. When looking at the mental stressors that African American Families endured during this time multiple theories correlate to the issues facing the population of black males. In-college experiences have been found to be influential in explaining college student persistence than pre-college factors such as high school grades and test scores (Donovan, 1984). The persistence literature essentially argues that academic success in college rests on the ability of a student to adjust both socially and academically to the institution (Jones, 2001; Moore, 2001; Tinto, 1993). Historically African American Males have encountered lived experienced that have shaped their outlook on life and education. Numerous statistics explain the persistence of underachievement for black males within the K-12 process.\u00a0 For example, students are likely to persist in their efforts at learning when they feel they are in control. Students are likely to feel in control when the factors attributed to their outcomes are seen as internal, stable and controllable (Schunk & Zimmerman, 2006). <\/p>\n

    A research study exploring African American males\u2019 attitudes toward
    \ncollege cited African American males displayed a lack of academic preparation,
    \npoor grades, low Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) scores, lack of adequate high
    \nschool guidance from school counselors, teachers, high-school faculty and
    \nadministration, peer pressure, parental and societal expectations as barriers
    \nto their success (The University System of Georgia, 2002). History and research
    \nshows that this is nothing new, African American males are born into systems
    \nthat aren\u2019t created to help them persist or gain a grasp on their true talents.
    \nAfrican American males\u2019 racial identity has been under attack and formed by
    \nlabels placed on them as early third grade through history. <\/p>\n

    Non-cognitive Issues <\/h3>\n

    Today, more than 20 percent of
    \nthe undergraduate student population at four-year institutions in the U.S. are
    \nfirst-generation students (Nunez and Cuccaro-Alamin 1998). First-generation
    \nstudents are generally defined as those whose parents have no college or
    \nuniversity experience (Billson and Terry 1982; Nunez and Cuccaro-Alamin 1998;
    \nYork-Anderson and Bowman 1991). Male students of color are experiencing intense
    \npressure to succeed due to the overall push to increase educational attainment.
    \nResearch shows that for decades these same students not receiving the academic
    \nand social supports they need to thrive in high school to prepare for college
    \nenrollment. The literature on African American students in higher education
    \nprior to 2000 focused primarily on enrollment disparities of collegiate ethnic
    \ngroups as well as research on the gender gap in enrollment for African American
    \nmen and women (Allen, 1991 1992; Cuyjet, 1997, 2006: Pope, 2006; Fleming, 1984,
    \nFeagin, Vera, & Imani, 1996; Fries-Britt & Griffin, 2007; Guiffrida,
    \n2003). In the last decade, scholars have begun to shift their focus to the
    \nexperiences of African American male students. Since 2000, African American college
    \nstudents has concentrated on certain constructs in higher education that impact
    \nAfrican American enrollment, persistence, academic achievement and overall
    \ncollegiate experience.<\/p>\n

    Also, the research
    \nexamines non-cognitive factors that males of color face daily and many theories
    \nthat support why these men struggle throughout their education life span. First-generation
    \nstudents of ethnic minorities may face more challenges. Richardson and Skinner
    \n(1990) found that these students lack community support, role models,
    \nsufficient academic preparation, and often experience discrimination. <\/p>\n

    For decades
    \nimportant research has examined why African American males are not pursuing
    \neducation. Tinto\u2019s theory focuses on the premise that students possess various
    \nsocial, families, and academic attributes, including beliefs and intentions
    \nrelated to college attendance and performance (Tinto, 1975). Tracy and Sedlacek (1985) and
    \nSedlacek (2004) defined these non-cognitive variables as: positive
    \nself-concept, realistic self-appraisal, ability to deal with the system and
    \nracism, persistence and long-term goals, reliable support, community
    \ninvolvement, leadership experiences and knowledge acquisition of career.
    \nResearch shows the rise of single African American women with children, the
    \nincrease in concentrated urban poverty and escalating joblessness among young
    \nblack males are critical links to non-cognitive behaviors that affect
    \npersistent for young men of color. Over the last decade research has shown a
    \nparallel decline in services available to families of color that lack education.
    \nResearch analysis also showed that such neighborhoods, schools and households
    \nlack the resources necessary to sustain a healthy secure family life. Universities must
    \ncontinue to gather more information about first-generation students to provide
    \nappropriate services throughout their college career. However, more studies are
    \nneeded how the students\u2019 background problems is related to their academic and
    \nsocial performance as it relates to retention in college. Also, little has been
    \nwritten on first-generation men of color from an ethnic minority background and
    \nnon-cognitive approach.<\/p>\n

    HBCU Foundation<\/h3>\n

    The complexities
    \nof experiences for African American males attending HBCUs are similar from
    \ncampus to campus. Historically Black Colleges were created to create the
    \ngreatest thinking African American, but throughout history, these schools have
    \nstruggled to maintain their common goal of educating men of color. \u00a0When looking at the HBCUs and their role in
    \nretaining Black males, statics show that these universities aren\u2019t reaching
    \ntheir goals. African American male students, as compared to other demographic
    \ngroups, have a higher attrition rate in higher education (Lang, 1992). Moreover,
    \nthere are major issues that affect the retention process for African American
    \nmales attending HBCUs; the critical issues are lack continuous support for first-generation
    \nAfrican American males, induction experience on these students arrive on campus,
    \nand funding for students.<\/p>\n

    Issues of First-Generation College Students<\/h3>\n

    First-generation
    \ncollege students are a marginalized group that goes relatively unnoticed in the
    \nworld of higher education (Hand & Payne, 2008). The initial experience for
    \nfirst-generation black males on a college campus is usually their first
    \nencounter with the higher education system. As a higher institute of education
    \nHBCUs have to work extremely hard to make sure they are providing the approach
    \nservices once the student arrives on campus. First-generation students by definition are students that come from a
    \nfamily where neither parent has obtained a four-year college degree before the
    \nstudent\u2019s entry into higher education Hand and Payne (2008).\u00a0 It\u2019s a clear necessity that Historically
    \nBlack Colleges and Universities rollout the red carpet and reprogram damage
    \nsociety has created for these young men. <\/p>\n

    Induction<\/h3>\n

    Induction into
    \nthe university environment may be one the most important initiatives to assist
    \nin retention of Black male students (Harper & Quaye, 2007). Tinto\u2019s (1993)
    \ntheory of student departure states that students must be immersed in their new environment
    \nto make a successful transition.\u00a0 The
    \nfirst step universities can take once AA males enter their university it to
    \nshow them that the commitment from all aspects of campus will be provided. To
    \nshow schools commitment the next step is providing validation during the
    \nrecruitment stage, which then creates a supportive environment for these young
    \nmen. In return, this support system will make AA males feel wanted, valued appreciated.
    \nLess than 25 percent of students
    \nwithdraw due to academic performance, whereas more than 75 percent dropout
    \nbecause of the difficulties related to lack of fit between the skills and
    \ninterests of the student and the organization of the educational institution
    \n(Tinto, 1975). Studies show that students who perceived their social
    \ninteractions to be positive during their semester would likely enroll for the
    \nsecond semester. <\/p>\n

    Financial Concerns<\/h3>\n

    Finally, the most critical
    \nfactors that have created challenges for AA male students are the rising cost of
    \ncollege. Throughout this paper the common factor that creates issues for AA
    \nmales are centered around low-income families, which so many of AA males come
    \nfrom low-income families. Most postsecondary institutions have an increase in
    \ntheir tuition on an annual basis, including those that attempt to maintain
    \nlower tuition and fees to serve a greater 37 number of low-income students
    \n(Merisotis & McCarthy, 2005). College affordability is a concern for all
    \nstudents, especially those that are classified as low-income.<\/p>\n

    KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS <\/h2>\n