{"id":74917,"date":"2020-08-13T12:43:58","date_gmt":"2020-08-13T12:43:58","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/essays.homeworkacetutors.com\/impact-of-femvertising-movement-on-government-proposals\/"},"modified":"2020-08-13T12:43:58","modified_gmt":"2020-08-13T12:43:58","slug":"impact-of-femvertising-movement-on-government-proposals","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colapapers.com\/us\/impact-of-femvertising-movement-on-government-proposals\/","title":{"rendered":"Impact of \u2018Femvertising\u2019 Movement on Government Proposals"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Can a theoretical movement like \u2018Femvertising\u2019 have a
\ntangible impact on government proposals?<\/h4>\n

In 2014, Always released the \u2018Like a girl\u2019
\ncommercial intending to turn a phrase that had become an insult into an
\nempowering message. This award winning campaign served as a landmark in
\n\u2018feminist\u2019 advertising and proved that companies\u2019 support for social causes was
\nbooming and that the marketing scene was changing.[1]<\/a> Although some brands continue to endorse a \u2018sex
\nsells\u2019 tactic, a revolution is occurring in which popular brands are rejecting
\nthis dated approach and adopting a fresh feminist prospective. Famous brands
\nsuch as Dove, Pantene and Nike have adapted their adverts to project less dated
\nfemale perspectives and more positive feminist ideologies. SheKnows iblock
\nmagazine (2014) defines \u2018Femvertising\u2019 as \u2018advertising that employs pro-female
\ntalent, messages and imagery to empower women and girls.\u2019[2]<\/a>
\nSheKnows recently surveyed that 52% of women said that the way in which an ad
\nportrays women directly influences whether they would purchase a product. [3]<\/a>\u00a0 Due to this fast pace worldwide influence,
\nFemvertising consequently creates the question of whether this trend can
\nconstitute as feminist activism. While this essay is not trying to prove
\nanything, it will attempt to act as a plausible claim for the interaction
\nbetween Femvertising and grass-root level movements. The focus will be on
\nwhether this revolutionary advertising trend could become an effective grass-root
\nactivity and actually make a difference at an elite level.\u00a0 <\/p>\n

This essay will divide itself into three sections. The
\nfirst section will begin by outlining what has allowed this trend to come about
\nand call upon third wave feminism and social constructivist theory as the main
\ncontributors. The second part will focus on the first level of change, that of
\na political change. The focus will be on the Tampon Tax as a case study to
\nexemplify the existence of third wave feminism and Femvertising\u2019s potential
\nimpact in the political arena. Thirdly, it will focus on the second level of
\nchange, that of a cultural change, arguing that Femvertising\u2019s authenticity,
\npaired with social media\u2019s power creates a unique platform that is in line with
\nour cultures \u2018slacktivist\u2019 habits and needs.. It will be concluded that Femvertising\u2019s
\nunique ability to make people think makes it a rare and necessary catalyst for
\nchange. Both in our understandings of gender and in the decision making process
\nin the UK. <\/p>\n

As commodity feminism starts to diminish, in
\nwhich young generations rejected the feminist label, third wave feminism begins
\nto make way. Unlike commodity feminism, this \u2018new wave\u2019 embraces individualism
\nand intersectionality.[4]<\/a>
\nThis brand sees women embracing the feminist label, something which has become
\ntrendy and now marks an \u2018enlightened women.\u2019[5]<\/a>
\nArguably, this backlash to commodity feminism has set the stage for an original
\nsort of advertising that takes advantage of these new feminist ideals and spins
\nthem in a way that also profits their brand.\u00a0
\nFemvertising focuses on previously untapped consumer base, that of the
\nfemale population, in an attempt to build a relationship with them through
\nauthentic and real images.[6]<\/a> Although some traditional
\ngender stereotypes continue to prevail in advertising, it seems as though this
\nrevolution will allow woman to escape from being passive figures of the male
\ngaze.[7]<\/a>
\nCohan appreciates this as he recognises a shift towards a more promising, as
\nopposed to exploitative, representation of women within advertisements.[8]<\/a>
\nSubsequently he also argues that we are experiencing a paradigm shift that
\nintroduces a much-needed realistic representation of women. <\/p>\n

Although social constructivism has not uniquely
\ncaused the creation of Femvertising, this essay argues that it has provided a
\ntheoretical platform for it to happen.\u00a0 For
\nthis reason, this essay also adopts a social constructivist lens to understand
\nhow we learn about gender roles. Social constructivists believe that gender
\nroles are social constructs within social structures made up of norms and rules.[9]<\/a>
\nRugge (1998) outlines the importance of\u00a0
\n\u2018ideational factors, including norms and ideas, social efficacy\u2026in
\nshaping the way in which actors define their identity and interests in the
\nfirst place.\u2019[10]<\/a> This
\nperspective allows us to understand that people are social actors who are
\nperforming on a socially constructed stage that mediates our understanding of
\nreality.[11]<\/a>
\nIn this sense, social constructivists emphasise the importance of both
\nstructure, our society, and agency, the individuals, in the shaping of gender
\nnorms. Accordingly, gender norms are constantly being constructed, contested
\nand re constructed, frequently challenging societies understandings and
\nperspectives.[12]<\/a> Femvertising
\ncan therefore build upon this on-going process of learning and take advantage
\nof the malleability of the notion of gender norms. <\/p>\n

Social constructivists understanding of
\nglobalisation\u2019s interaction with power creates an ideal platform for
\nFemvertising to flourish. As Sassen suggests, globalization has allowed for the
\ndetachment of sovereignty and territoriality.[13]<\/a>
\nDevolution of power has thus transformed sovereignty and has allowed the term
\n\u2018global governance\u2019 to develop.[14]<\/a>
\nThis term explains the explosion of non-state actors and their increasing
\nsalience in various features of contemporary world affairs.[15]<\/a>
\nSubsequently, this opening up of the political system has created the ideal
\naccess point for Femvertising to help change dated gender norms and increase
\nwomen\u2019s visibility. Femvertising can therefore assume the role of a \u2018non-state
\nactor\u2019 and become an accessible avenue for empowerment that is able to re
\ndefine and share gender norms in different contexts. Rosenau characterises
\nsystems of rule at all levels of human activity in which \u2018pursuit of goals
\nthrough the exercise of control has transnational repercussions in structure
\nand agency.\u2019[16]<\/a> Therefore,
\nFemvertising\u2019s ability to \u2018exercise control\u2019 on what information society
\nreceives allows it to have \u2018transnational repercussions\u2019 in the way society
\nlearns about gender roles.\u00a0 Through social
\nconstructivist\u2019s importance of culture and its appreciation of the effects that
\nthe transformation of sovereignty has on Femvertising, one can only be optimistic
\nof this trends role our learning and understanding of gender norms. <\/p>\n

Given what social constructivists argue about
\ngender roles being social constructs we are optimistic that Femvertising will
\ntruly be able to affect social structures and gender stereotypes. Femvertising
\nholds an incredible amount of control in being able to depict women in a
\ncertain way that subsequently has social implications beyond the company\u2019s
\nbottom line. In effect, Femvertising has the ability to challenge many of the
\ndated gendered stereotypes in the media that have altered society\u2019s thoughts
\nand behaviours for so many years.[17]<\/a> The cultivation theory
\nexpands this perspective by stating that once people have developed their own
\nconcepts of reality from the stereotypes in the media, they are likely to
\nmodify their personal behaviour according to those stereotypes. [18]<\/a> This is important as in
\norder for Femvertising to mobilise people to act it must first educate them to
\nbelieve in the same cause and advertising has the power to do just that. By
\nhaving the rare ability to change attitudes Femvertising offers brands a new
\nway to reach female consumers while simultaneously modernising gender
\nstereotypes and increasing women\u2019s diversity. <\/p>\n

However, despite Femvertising\u2019s innovative
\nefforts in using popular feminist ideals to sell, a two minute advert
\nempowering women is not enough to end misogyny and change this gendered status
\nquo. A study researching the effect of Femvertising\u2019s messages on attitude
\nchange supports this claim. It found that although the advertisements made them
\nthink, their overall attitude towards women and the product did not change as a
\nresult of their exposure.[19]<\/a>\u00a0 Such findings show that despite being a good
\nvehicle for the promotion of simple pro social messages, it might not be for
\ncomplex ones that require deep and elaborative thought processes. Attitudes are
\nso entrenched in our culture that a much more powerful tool, other than a
\nsingle exposure to one advertisement, is needed to separate the two. Kesby
\n(2005) discusses this topic and comments that \u2018empowerment is not a linear
\nprocess of enlightenment but a repetitive performance in a space.\u2019 [20]<\/a>
\nThus if Femvertising truly
\nwants to empower women, it must recognise that one advert will not ensure
\nliberation. It must instead use the repetitiveness of advertisements to start
\nthe slow process of re conditioning that will eventually lead into attitude
\nchange. Nevertheless, the simple fact that Femvertising is a unique platform
\nthat makes people think and socially aware is in itself extremely powerful.<\/p>\n

The outbreak of third wave feminism<\/a> has pressured international governments to respond accordingly with feminist policies, the tampon tax being the most infamous. This policy received international attention due its framing of feminine hygiene products as \u2018luxury goods\u2019 making them not exempt from tax like other \u2018necessary goods.\u2019[21]<\/a> Public discourse of policies concerning the menstrual hygiene products has been a long-term taboo, regarding it in the context of ridicule, shame and disgust. [22]<\/a> Since men predominantly run governments and laws, this helps to entrench silence surrounding this topic even more.[23]<\/a> \u00a0Through third wave feminism, this younger generation have grown up in a culture that supports body-positivity, encouraging openness in discussing women bodily functions, something extremely unlikely in previous generations.[24]<\/a> This proves the extent to which our culture is changing and embracing feminism and shows that without third wave feminism it is likely that the tampon tax would have continued being unnoticed and legally misclassified.<\/p>\n

Breaking the taboo was the main way in which the generation helped bring attention to this issue. In a research carried out by Lea Hunter, it was found that the most influential moments in the movement were \u2018direct and confrontational in the breaking of the taboo\u2019 mainly in informal discourse such as Twitter and Facebook.[25]<\/a> This proves that breaking a taboo demands attention. Subsequently, Femvertising could be used in future movements as an additional tool in galvanising widespread attention while offering a unique platform for informal discourse. Although social media\u2019s role in increasing awareness and building support for reform in this campaign is indisputable, Femvertising could have certainly made it more powerful. If, for example, Always had released an advertising campaign aiming to open up the discourse and break the taboo of menstruation<\/a>,\u2019 one could optimistically suggest that the policy would have gained an unprecedented amount of power and influence. Femvertising\u2019s uniqueness in its ability to condition considerable portions of the population allows it to spread awareness on a common cause and galvanize support at a much faster pace than any other tool. Thus, although social media will always be used as an outlet to exercise public pressure, grass root movements should explore the possibility of broadcasting Femvertising adverts in line with their campaign if they want to increase extensive support and influence. <\/p>\n

Hanson broadens the idea of political action by
\nexpanding the public sphere to include household and social relations.[26]<\/a>
\nBy doing so he suggests that activism may incorporate everyday actions by
\nindividuals that could eventually create new social networks of power dynamics.[27]<\/a>
\nThis suggests that although an action may not be directly political, certain
\nactions can still be considered as activism. If they are able to foster
\ninformal networks or relations that may then evolve in more formalized
\npolitical actions it can be considered so. Therefore, according to this
\ndefinition Femvertising can be related to activism. By having serious power on
\nthe way woman are represented and perceived, Femvertising increases the
\npublic\u2019s awareness and depending on its salience can influence them to act
\naccordingly. For example, if Always had publically backed the Tampon Tax
\ncampaign, and a consumer bought an Always product and then takes the initiative
\nto share this actions within her social network this can be seen as a form of
\nactivism. Optimistically, this would cause a chain effect and drive up demand
\nfor advertisement promoting gender equality and even greater representation.[28]<\/a>
\nThus Femvertising is encouraging women to transform power dynamics by
\nchallenging old gender norms. According to Hanson\u2019s broad definition of
\nactivism, Femvertising has true potential in this arena.<\/p>\n

The \u2018tampon tax\u2019 also shows that governments,
\nincluding the UK, are increasingly responsive to grass-roots movements. By
\nopening its decision-making process to informal actors, such as grass-root
\nmovements and social media, the UK can aspire to an \u2018input democracy\u2019, like
\nSweden. This type of democracy opens up policy making to various civil society
\ngroups allowing them to express their policy opinions.[29]<\/a>
\nBy doing so, Sweden has high levels of involvement, especially with regards to
\nsocial movements.[30]<\/a>
\nAs the tampon tax has shown, the UK is certainly beginning to be receptive to
\nits public\u2019s voice, even if articulated informally. The UK can also aspire to
\nSweden for its state feminism. In Sweden social equality is a core value. As
\nsuch, it has adopted welfare policies such as generous parental leave schemes,
\npublic care services for children and the elderly and have a fairly high
\npolitical representation of women in government.[31]<\/a>
\nSweden thus exemplifies the sort of government that the UK can aspire to. From
\nthe tampon tax one can see that the UK is beginning to act as an input
\ndemocracy and resemble state feminism. However, it can be argued that the UK is
\nnot ready for an input democracy nor state feminism. In fact, the UK is only
\njust beginning to experiment with online movements and women representation in
\nparliament is still at a low 29%.[32]<\/a>
\nNevertheless, it is true that political change is only possible if the culture
\naccepts it. <\/p>\n

This essay will now continue to argue how this
\ngenerations habits and Femvertising are creating a culture that is ready for
\nthis political change. Femvertising\u2019s potential lies in its ability to respond
\nto society\u2019s apparent demand for diverse and realistic images. Lauren
\nGreenfield, the documentarian that directed Always \u2018Like a Girl\u2019 campaign says
\nthat \u2018when it comes to gender and telling real stories about girls, there is a
\nreally clear that of authenticity that needs to be respected.\u2019[33]<\/a>
\nFemvertising is avant-garde in understanding that in order for an advert to be
\nsuccessful it needs to be honest and represent reality, not contradict this.
\nO\u2019keefe (2015) presents evidence to support this, claiming that if a product
\ncontradicts ones beliefs, it is unlikely to result in any change in attitude.[34]<\/a>
\nThus, Femvertising is unique in the sense that it appreciates that honestly
\nsells and is guiding other brands to tell the truth and get behind the cause.
\nAfter Dove\u2019s initial real beauty campaign, its parent company Unilever reported
\na 3% overall growth in sales,[35]<\/a> showing the success of
\npopularity of Femvertising. In general, Femvertising\u2019s ability to
\ncatalyse change in the publics views and attitudes as well as its conforming to
\nsociety\u2019s need for authenticity highlights how much potential lies within this
\ntrend. If done correctly, Femvertising has the ability to bring us together
\nthrough enlightenment and empowerment. <\/p>\n

Nonetheless, Crouse (2002) believes that
\nFemvertising has actually brought back commodity feminism and is conditioning
\nus to believe that if a women wants to be powerful, a core feminist ideal, she
\nmust follow the adverts and make a purchase. Femvertising is focusing on
\ncontrolling woman\u2019s worth according to their consumer choices to be able to
\nmaximise their profit margins. This sort of manipulation appears to devaluate
\nFemvertising\u2019s \u201cuniqueness\u201d and \u201cauthenticity\u201d and depreciates the idea of
\nwomen\u2019s equality and therefore to the feminist movement itself. Meredith
\nFineman writes \u2018too many attempts to \u201cmarket to women\u201d seem to me to turn
\nfemale power into a commodity \u2013 or at least, reduces female power into
\nsomething mostly good for buying more commodities.\u2019 [36]<\/a>
\nBaxter defines this as \u2018faux activism\u2019, outlining that although brands seem to
\nsupport gender equality and feminism through their empowering messages, the
\ncompanies are actually participating in faux activism. [37]<\/a>\u00a0 This can be seen with Dove\u2019s real beauty
\ncampaign that relied on female\u2019s insecurities to reap financial gains. It is
\ntherefore necessary that if companies continue to assume the responsibility to
\nspread feminist ideals and support this feminist movement that their messages
\nare parallel with the company\u2019s brand and core values. <\/p>\n

Femvertising\u2019s influence may also be
\ncontroversial due to its inherent conflict as carriers of individual
\nconsumption and its feminist fundamentally political and social causes.[38]<\/a>
\nZeisler argues that the majority of modern Feminism is driven by capitalist
\nviews and \u2018includes financial gains in nearly every tenet. [39]<\/a>\u00a0 Considering that in this light Femvertising
\nis viewed as being driven by capitalist views, Zeisler worries about the
\ndepoliticising of feminism.[40]<\/a>
\nWhile Femvertising has began to spread, this has led to a vast majority of
\ncelebrities, such as Beyonce and Lena Dunham, to adopt the label. Although this
\ndoes help to spread awareness of the issue, it simultaneously contradicts
\nfeminism\u2019s message and de legitimises their efforts. Thus, Femvertising has
\nactually turned feminism into a profit turning process, destabilising feminism
\nas a political and social movement. SheKnows media\u2019s, Samantha Skey outright
\nsays that Femvertising adverts \u2018are not NGO\u2019s\u2026these ads are meant to drive
\nproduct sales.\u2019 Thus, this proves that Femvertising\u2019s contradicts pure feminist
\nideals that believe that women empowerment should not be a matter of profit but
\nof existence and enforcement of social policies and practices. [41]<\/strong><\/a> <\/p>\n

Nevertheless, today\u2019s society acts as the ideal
\nfoundation for Femvertising to flourish and reach its potential. As
\ntechnology\u2019s influence continues to spread, it has naturally effected the way
\nthat people participate in the political process. Recently, we have seen a rise
\nof un conventional participating forms, such as \u2018slacktivism.\u2019 Kristofferson
\ndefines \u2018slacktivism\u2019 as an inclination to participate in relatively \u2018costless
\ntoken\u2019 displays of support for a social cause, accompanied by a lack of
\nenthusiasm in dedicating a meaningful effort to endorse meaningful change.[42]<\/a>
\nThis nature of slacktivism suggests that people will now only participate if it
\ntheir pro-social actions can be accomplished with no effort at all. Thus,
\nFemvertising not only allows for slacktivist habits to occur, it encourages
\nthem. Therefore, according to Kristofferson, buying an Always product to
\nsupport their pro feminist ideals is an act of \u2018slacktivism.\u2019[43]<\/a>
\nBy participating such a simple act consumers are still able to align themselves
\nwith improving the representation of women in advertising. Kristofferson
\ndiscusses we should praise these \u2018token endorsements\u2019 as \u2018positive
\nstepping-stones towards more meaningful forms of social engagement in the
\nfuture.[44]<\/a>
\nThis optimistic view towards social engagement could predict how Femvertising
\ncould catalyse future mobilization by initiating an easy form of participating.\n<\/p>\n

Social media\u2019s grass-root nature helps
\nboost Femvertising\u2019s mobilisation and allows it to embody an activist stance.
\nThrough broadening the reach of generated discussions to a world space, social
\nmedia acts as an alternative space to voice your opinion and connect with those
\nwho share the same one. [45]<\/strong><\/a><\/strong>
\nMilan (2015) contends that this helps to bring materiality to the production of
\nmeaning, as it\u2019s a sort of platform that allows for particular dynamic among
\nindividuals.[46]<\/a>
\nSubsequently, each viewer that takes to social media to discuss a Femvertising
\nadvert will be connected with other similar viewers, facilitating the
\nestablishment and enlargement of networks. Manuh (2006) defines empowerment as \u2018all those
\nprocesses where women take control and ownership of their lives.\u2019[47]<\/a>
\nConsequently, it can be said that social media is empowering women by creating
\nan arena where the soft power of women is authentic and powerful. By creating #LikeAGirl, Alwayswas
\nable unite a considerable network of like minded people and create an online
\nspace in which consumers could engage with the cause. Eventually, as this
\nconversation continued to spread it started an online movement.[48]<\/a>
\nThis shows that cyberspace not only helps to spread awareness about a campaign,
\nits sense of accessibility also allows for interaction and motivation within
\nthe campaign and the coordination of events.[49]<\/a>
\nSuch events around the world influenced Forbes to declare 2014 to be \u2018the
\nbreakout year for hash tag activism around women and girls.\u2019[50]<\/a>
\nHopefully, with the help of social media, and most specifically the hash tag,
\nFemvertising\u2019s online movements can continue to mobilise viewers and gain
\nmomentum until elites are forced to respond. <\/p>\n

In general, it is clear that Femvertising\u2019s
\npotential is enormous. This essay began by showing how third wave feminism
\nallowed Femvertising to materialise and flourish. Social constructivism, and
\nits idea of \u2018global governance\u2019 provides a theoretical platform for
\nFemvertising. Social constructivists notion of gender norms being social
\nconstructs and its constant re-construction of the term, allows for the perfect
\naccess point for Femvertising. This essay used the tampon tax to prove the
\npresence of third wave feminism and analysed the potential role of Femvertising
\nin such campaigns. By doing so, the UK would become more like Sweden, as it
\nwould listen more to its grass-root movements and adhere to state feminism. The
\nlast section looked at Femvertising\u2019s unique power and authenticity. Due to our
\ngeneration slacktivist habits, when paired with social media and the hash tag, one
\ncan be very optimistic about Femvertising\u2019s future potential. Nevertheless,
\nthis essay also discussed how Femvertising will forever hold inherent conflict
\nbetween pure feminism and consumerism and it\u2019s power in changing attitude is
\nquestionable. <\/p>\n

In conclusion, however, Femvertising has an
\nincredible amount of potential. It has the power to increase awareness at an
\nunprecedented and unique pace, and by doing so catalyses change on a worldwide
\nscale. Femvertising has come at a perfect time, when our culture\u2019s attitudes
\nand behaviours are in line with those that Femvertising enables and encourages.
\nFor this reason one should be extremely optimistic of its potential influence.
\nDespite Femvertising\u2019s limitations in being able to change attitudes, it is its
\nability to catalyse changes in thinking that gives it its power. In this sense,
\nthe mere fact that it is making consumers at the very least aware of
\nrestrictive stereotypes that tend to overpower women is extremely encouraging.
\nIt is therefore necessary for us to focus on awareness instead of change and
\nacknowledge that change is extremely difficult and slow but that Femvertising
\nis kick starting the process. <\/p>\n

Bibliography<\/h2>\n